Ali ibn Abi Talib: Difference between revisions

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Ali’s courage during the military expeditions became legendary. Along with Hamza, Abu Dojana, and Zobayr, he was renowned for his charges against the enemy; at Badr he is said to have killed more than one third of the enemy army single-handedly. He stood firm and stoutly defended the Prophet at Ohod and Honayn, while the Muslim victory at Khaybar, where he used a heavy iron door as a shield, is attributed to his valor.<ref>Ebn Hesham, al-Sira II, pp. 298, 365ff., III, pp. 77f., 306, 349-50; Waqedi, Ketab al-maghazi, ed. M. Jones, London, 1966, I, pp. 68-69, 76, 145-52, 225-26, 228, 240, 244, 255-56, 259, 307-09, II, pp. 470-71, 496, 653-57, III, pp. 900-02</ref> He was one of Muhammad’s scribes and was chosen to lead several important missions. After the Hijra when the Prophet instituted brotherhood between the emigrants (Mohajerun) and the helpers (Ansar), he chose Ali as his own brother. The treaty of Hodaybia was written down by Ali. In 9/631 when Abu Bakr led the pilgrimage, Ali was delegated by the Prophet to proclaim the surat al-baraʾa (Quran 9) to the pilgrims assembled at Mena. He was chosen to destroy the idols worshiped by the Aws, Khazraj, and Tayy, and those in the Kaʿba.
Ali’s courage during the military expeditions became legendary. Along with Hamza, Abu Dojana, and Zobayr, he was renowned for his charges against the enemy; at Badr he is said to have killed more than one third of the enemy army single-handedly. He stood firm and stoutly defended the Prophet at Ohod and Honayn, while the Muslim victory at Khaybar, where he used a heavy iron door as a shield, is attributed to his valor.<ref>Ebn Hesham, al-Sira II, pp. 298, 365ff., III, pp. 77f., 306, 349-50; Waqedi, Ketab al-maghazi, ed. M. Jones, London, 1966, I, pp. 68-69, 76, 145-52, 225-26, 228, 240, 244, 255-56, 259, 307-09, II, pp. 470-71, 496, 653-57, III, pp. 900-02</ref> He was one of Muhammad’s scribes and was chosen to lead several important missions. After the Hijra when the Prophet instituted brotherhood between the emigrants (Mohajerun) and the helpers (Ansar), he chose Ali as his own brother. The treaty of Hodaybia was written down by Ali. In 9/631 when Abu Bakr led the pilgrimage, Ali was delegated by the Prophet to proclaim the surat al-baraʾa (Quran 9) to the pilgrims assembled at Mena. He was chosen to destroy the idols worshiped by the Aws, Khazraj, and Tayy, and those in the Kaʿba.


According to the Shiʿites, the Prophet unequivocally nominated Ali as his successor at Ghadir  khomm while returning from his “farewell pilgrimage” to Mecca.<ref>the earliest historian to report the Ghadir tradition seems to be Yaʿqubi, II, Najaf, 1964, p. 102; see also Masʿudi, Ethbat al-wasiya le-Ali, Najaf, 1955; Kolayni, al-Kafi I, Tehran, 1388/ 1968, pp. 292ff.; Qazi Noʿman, Daʿaʾem al-Eslam I, ed. Fyzee, Cairo, 1963, pp. 14ff.; Shaikh Mofid, al-Ershad, Najaf, 1962, pp. 91ff.; in al-Ghadir fi’l-ketab wa’l-sonna wa’l-adab, Tehran, 1372/1952-53, Abd-al-Hussain Amini has listed all the available sources and references to Ghadir</ref> The Sunnis reject this claim, maintaining that the Prophet died without naming a successor. All the early sources present the Medinan Muslim community behaving as if they had not learned about Ali’s alleged designation.
According to the Shiʿites, the Prophet unequivocally nominated Ali as his successor at Ghadir  Khomm while returning from his “farewell pilgrimage” to Mecca.<ref>the earliest historian to report the Ghadir tradition seems to be Yaʿqubi, II, Najaf, 1964, p. 102; see also Masʿudi, Ethbat al-wasiya le-Ali, Najaf, 1955; Kolayni, al-Kafi I, Tehran, 1388/ 1968, pp. 292ff.; Qazi Noʿman, Daʿaʾem al-Eslam I, ed. Fyzee, Cairo, 1963, pp. 14ff.; Shaikh Mofid, al-Ershad, Najaf, 1962, pp. 91ff.; in al-Ghadir fi’l-ketab wa’l-sonna wa’l-adab, Tehran, 1372/1952-53, Abd-al-Hussain Amini has listed all the available sources and references to Ghadir</ref> The Sunnis reject this claim, maintaining that the Prophet died without naming a successor. All the early sources present the Medinan Muslim community behaving as if they had not learned about Ali’s alleged designation.
==After the death of the Prophet==
==After the death of the Prophet==
At the Prophet’s death the community split into groups contending for political succession. The Ansar were about to proclaim Saʿd b. Obada caliph, but this was not acceptable to the Mohajerun, who considered themselves closer to the Prophet in kinship. Among them was a group led by Ali and his supporters, i.e., Zobayr, Talha, Abbas b. Abd-al-Mottaleb, Meqdad, Salman Faresi, Abu Dharr Ghefari, and Ammar b. Yaser, who viewed Ali as the Prophet’s legitimate heir. Muslim historians agree that a crisis was averted by three prominent Mohajerun: Abu Bakr, Omar, and Abu Obayda, who rushed to the gathering of the Ansar and imposed Abu Bakr as caliph. Their success was facilitated by the jealousy between the Aws and the Khazraj, the two main tribal factions of the Ansar, and the inactivity of the Prophet’s kinsmen in promoting their own cause.<ref>M. Shaban, Islamic History A.D. 600-750: A New Interpretation, Cambridge, 1971, pp. 16ff.; E. Shoufani, Al-Ridda and the Muslim Conquests of Arabia, Toronto, 1973, pp. 48ff.</ref> When Abu Bakr’s selection to the caliphate was presented as a fait accompli, Ali and the Hashimites withheld their oaths of allegiance until after the death of Fatima. Ali did not actively assert his own right because he did not want to throw the nascent Muslim community into strife.<ref>Menqari, Waqʿa Siffin, ed. ʿA. Harun, Cairo, 1382/1962, p. 91</ref> He retired to a life in which religious works became his chief occupation; the first chronologically arranged version of the Quran is attributed to him, and his knowledge of the Quran and the Sunna aided the caliphs in various legal problems.<ref>Balaḏori, Ansab I, ed. M. Hamidallah, Cairo, 1959, pp. 586-87; Yaʿqubi, II, pp. 125-26; Ebn Saʿd, II/2, pp. 100-02; Shaikh Mofid, al-Ershad, pp. 107ff.</ref> He did not participate in the wars of redda and conquest; his actions after becoming caliph seem to indicate that he did not approve of the policies of his predecessors. In contrast to Omar he recommended that the entire revenue of the divan be distributed without keeping anything in reserve.<ref>Balaḏori, Fotuh III, ed. S. Monajjed, Cairo, 1956, p. 549. Disagreement with policies of Abu Bakr and Omar can be inferred from an evasive answer he gave to Abd-al-Rahman b. Awf at the shura when he was asked whether he would follow the Quran, the Sunna of the Prophet, and the sirat al-shaykhayn or the policies of Abu Bakr and Omar; Tabari, IV, p. 233; Balaḏori, Ansab V, p. 22</ref>
At the Prophet’s death the community split into groups contending for political succession. The Ansar were about to proclaim Saʿd b. Obada caliph, but this was not acceptable to the Mohajerun, who considered themselves closer to the Prophet in kinship. Among them was a group led by Ali and his supporters, i.e., Zobayr, Talha, Abbas b. Abd-al-Mottaleb, Meqdad, Salman Faresi, Abu Dharr Ghefari, and Ammar b. Yaser, who viewed Ali as the Prophet’s legitimate heir. Muslim historians agree that a crisis was averted by three prominent Mohajerun: Abu Bakr, Omar, and Abu Obayda, who rushed to the gathering of the Ansar and imposed Abu Bakr as caliph. Their success was facilitated by the jealousy between the Aws and the Khazraj, the two main tribal factions of the Ansar, and the inactivity of the Prophet’s kinsmen in promoting their own cause.<ref>M. Shaban, Islamic History A.D. 600-750: A New Interpretation, Cambridge, 1971, pp. 16ff.; E. Shoufani, Al-Ridda and the Muslim Conquests of Arabia, Toronto, 1973, pp. 48ff.</ref> When Abu Bakr’s selection to the caliphate was presented as a fait accompli, Ali and the Hashimites withheld their oaths of allegiance until after the death of Fatima. Ali did not actively assert his own right because he did not want to throw the nascent Muslim community into strife.<ref>Menqari, Waqʿa Siffin, ed. ʿA. Harun, Cairo, 1382/1962, p. 91</ref> He retired to a life in which religious works became his chief occupation; the first chronologically arranged version of the Quran is attributed to him, and his knowledge of the Quran and the Sunna aided the caliphs in various legal problems.<ref>Balaḏori, Ansab I, ed. M. Hamidallah, Cairo, 1959, pp. 586-87; Yaʿqubi, II, pp. 125-26; Ebn Saʿd, II/2, pp. 100-02; Shaikh Mofid, al-Ershad, pp. 107ff.</ref> He did not participate in the wars of Redda and conquest; his actions after becoming caliph seem to indicate that he did not approve of the policies of his predecessors. In contrast to Omar he recommended that the entire revenue of the divan be distributed without keeping anything in reserve.<ref>Balaḏori, Fotuh III, ed. S. Monajjed, Cairo, 1956, p. 549. Disagreement with policies of Abu Bakr and Omar can be inferred from an evasive answer he gave to Abd-al-Rahman b. Awf at the shura when he was asked whether he would follow the Quran, the Sunna of the Prophet, and the sirat al-shaykhayn or the policies of Abu Bakr and Omar; Tabari, IV, p. 233; Balaḏori, Ansab V, p. 22</ref>
==During Othman’s Caliphate==
==During Othman’s Caliphate==
In the period preceding Ali’s caliphate Othman was faced with problems arising from conflicts of interest between the traditional tribal and the new Islamic leadership.<ref>H. A. R. Gibb, “An Interpretation of Islamic History,” Studies on the Civilization of Islam, ed. Shaw and Polk, London, 1962, p. 7</ref> The so-called qorraʾ, the original conquerors from minor clans, resented Othman’s tightening of central control and felt that their interests were threatened by the growing influence of the traditional tribal leaders, who were newcomers to the provinces. This was the common cause of opposition in all provinces except Syria, which was kept free from uncontrolled immigration and was held in firm control by [[Muʿawiya]], governor since 20/641. In mid-35/656 discontented provincial groups from Egypt, [[Kufa]] (led by Malek Ashtar), and Basra arrived in Medina.<ref>S. M. Yusof, “The Revolt against Othman,” IC 27, 1953, pp. 1-7; Shaban, Islamic History, pp. 60ff.; M. Hinds, “The Murder of the Caliph Othman,” IJMES 3, 1972, pp. 450-69</ref>
In the period preceding Ali’s caliphate Othman was faced with problems arising from conflicts of interest between the traditional tribal and the new Islamic leadership.<ref>H. A. R. Gibb, “An Interpretation of Islamic History,” Studies on the Civilization of Islam, ed. Shaw and Polk, London, 1962, p. 7</ref> The so-called Qorraʾ, the original conquerors from minor clans, resented Othman’s tightening of central control and felt that their interests were threatened by the growing influence of the traditional tribal leaders, who were newcomers to the provinces. This was the common cause of opposition in all provinces except Syria, which was kept free from uncontrolled immigration and was held in firm control by [[Muʿawiya]], governor since 20/641. In mid-35/656 discontented provincial groups from Egypt, [[Kufa]] (led by Malek Ashtar), and Basra arrived in Medina.<ref>S. M. Yusof, “The Revolt against Othman,” IC 27, 1953, pp. 1-7; Shaban, Islamic History, pp. 60ff.; M. Hinds, “The Murder of the Caliph Othman,” IJMES 3, 1972, pp. 450-69</ref>


In Medina itself opposition came from three main groups. First, a number of prominent Mohajerun accused Othman of nepotism and deviation from Islamic principles, e.g., the alteration of the number of rakʿas to be prayed at Mena and Arafat.<ref>Tabari, IV, p. 267</ref> Shortly before his death, Abd-al-Rahman b. Awf is said to have declared that Othman had departed from his promise to adhere to the Quran, the Sunna, and the sirat al-Shaykhayn, and he requested that he should not be allowed to pray at his funeral.<ref>Baladhori, Ansab V, p. 57; Ebn Aʿtham, al-Fotuh II, Hyderabad, 1968-75, p. 151</ref> ʿAbdallah b. Masʿud, who seems to have been dismissed from the Kufan treasury, ejected from the mosque, and beaten for criticizing Othman, is reported to have made the same request.<ref>Baladhori, Ansab V, pp. 36-37</ref> Abu Dharr Ghefari, who was critical of Othman and Muʿawiya, was exiled from Medina.<ref>ibid., pp. 52-56; Masʿudi, Morūǰ II, ed. M. Mohyi-al-dīn, Cairo, 1964, pp. 348-51</ref> Ammar b. Yaser was beaten for his criticism of Othman.<ref>Baladhori, Ansāb V, pp. 48, 83; Ebn Aʿtham, al-Fotuh II, pp. 154-55</ref> The second group of Medinan opponents formed around Talha and became clearly distinguishable from the first only at the battle of the Camel. It included Zobayr and Aʾesha, who were opposed to Omayyad domination but favored the Qoraysh. Both Talha and Zobayr had enormous income from their estates, mainly in Iraq, and their opposition stemmed from the strengthening of Omayyad power.<ref>Ebn Saʿd, III/1, pp. 77, 157</ref> Talha became vocal in his criticism of Othman, used his influence on the people of Basra to encourage their opposition, and was active against Othman at the time of the siege.<ref>Baladhori, Ansab V, p. 81; Ebn Aʿtham, al-Fotuh II, p. 229; Tabari, IV, pp. 379, 405</ref> Aʾesha, who had also played her part in fomenting opposition, left for Mecca when Othman was besieged, hoping that he would be killed and that Talha would become caliph.<ref>Baladhori, Ansab V, p. 91; Tabari, IV, p. 407</ref> The Ansar, who had lost their influence under Othman, formed the third group. The appointment of Hareth b. Hakam as market overseer in Medina added insult to injury; they felt impotent in their own town.<ref>Baladhori, op. cit., V, p. 47</ref>
In Medina itself opposition came from three main groups. First, a number of prominent Mohajerun accused Othman of nepotism and deviation from Islamic principles, e.g., the alteration of the number of rakʿas to be prayed at Mena and Arafat.<ref>Tabari, IV, p. 267</ref> Shortly before his death, Abd-al-Rahman b. Awf is said to have declared that Othman had departed from his promise to adhere to the Quran, the Sunna, and the sirat al-Shaykhayn, and he requested that he should not be allowed to pray at his funeral.<ref>Baladhori, Ansab V, p. 57; Ebn Aʿtham, al-Fotuh II, Hyderabad, 1968-75, p. 151</ref> ʿAbdallah b. Masʿud, who seems to have been dismissed from the Kufan treasury, ejected from the mosque, and beaten for criticizing Othman, is reported to have made the same request.<ref>Baladhori, Ansab V, pp. 36-37</ref> Abu Dharr Ghefari, who was critical of Othman and Muʿawiya, was exiled from Medina.<ref>ibid., pp. 52-56; Masʿudi, Morūǰ II, ed. M. Mohyi-al-dīn, Cairo, 1964, pp. 348-51</ref> Ammar b. Yaser was beaten for his criticism of Othman.<ref>Baladhori, Ansāb V, pp. 48, 83; Ebn Aʿtham, al-Fotuh II, pp. 154-55</ref> The second group of Medinan opponents formed around Talha and became clearly distinguishable from the first only at the battle of the Camel. It included Zobayr and Aʾesha, who were opposed to Omayyad domination but favored the Qoraysh. Both Talha and Zobayr had enormous income from their estates, mainly in Iraq, and their opposition stemmed from the strengthening of Omayyad power.<ref>Ebn Saʿd, III/1, pp. 77, 157</ref> Talha became vocal in his criticism of Othman, used his influence on the people of Basra to encourage their opposition, and was active against Othman at the time of the siege.<ref>Baladhori, Ansab V, p. 81; Ebn Aʿtham, al-Fotuh II, p. 229; Tabari, IV, pp. 379, 405</ref> Aʾesha, who had also played her part in fomenting opposition, left for Mecca when Othman was besieged, hoping that he would be killed and that Talha would become caliph.<ref>Baladhori, Ansab V, p. 91; Tabari, IV, p. 407</ref> The Ansar, who had lost their influence under Othman, formed the third group. The appointment of Hareth b. Hakam as market overseer in Medina added insult to injury; they felt impotent in their own town.<ref>Baladhori, op. cit., V, p. 47</ref>
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Following Othman’s murder most of the Umayyads fled Medina, thus leaving the provincial opposition in control of the situation. The strongest groups were the Egyptians, the Ansar, and the prominent Mohajerun. They invited Ali to accept the caliphate; reluctant, he agreed only after long hesitation, probably several days after Othman’s death. The sources suggest that before the murder of Othman, the Basran opposition group at Medina considered Talha as its champion, while the Kufans supported Zobayr; later both groups supported Ali.<ref>Tabari, IV, pp. 427ff.</ref> Thus, the situation in Hejaz and the provinces on the eve of Ali’s election was far from settled. His brief reign was beset by difficulties attributable to the state of affairs that he inherited. Moghira b. Shoʿba advised Ali against immediately removing all governors appointed by Othman, especially [[Muʿawiya]]; Abdallah b. Abbas also counseled him to proceed slowly, but responding to the demands of his supporters, he replaced Othman’s governors with his own, thereby setting off a series of reactions which culminated in the battles of the Camel and Siffin.<ref>Tabari, IV, pp. 438ff.; Masʿudi, Moruj II, pp. 363-65</ref>
Following Othman’s murder most of the Umayyads fled Medina, thus leaving the provincial opposition in control of the situation. The strongest groups were the Egyptians, the Ansar, and the prominent Mohajerun. They invited Ali to accept the caliphate; reluctant, he agreed only after long hesitation, probably several days after Othman’s death. The sources suggest that before the murder of Othman, the Basran opposition group at Medina considered Talha as its champion, while the Kufans supported Zobayr; later both groups supported Ali.<ref>Tabari, IV, pp. 427ff.</ref> Thus, the situation in Hejaz and the provinces on the eve of Ali’s election was far from settled. His brief reign was beset by difficulties attributable to the state of affairs that he inherited. Moghira b. Shoʿba advised Ali against immediately removing all governors appointed by Othman, especially [[Muʿawiya]]; Abdallah b. Abbas also counseled him to proceed slowly, but responding to the demands of his supporters, he replaced Othman’s governors with his own, thereby setting off a series of reactions which culminated in the battles of the Camel and Siffin.<ref>Tabari, IV, pp. 438ff.; Masʿudi, Moruj II, pp. 363-65</ref>
===The Battle of the Camel===
===The Battle of the Camel===
Returning to Medina, Aʾesha learned that Othman had been murdered and that Ali was caliph. She turned back to Mecca and actively participated in a campaign against him; her grudge against Ali stemmed from the incident of the slander against her (cf. Quran 24:10-20), when Ali had advised the Prophet to divorce her.<ref>Ebn Hesham, al-Sirat al-nabawiya III, pp. 313-14; Waqedi, Ketab al-maghazi II, p. 430; Ebn Saʿd, II/2, p. 29</ref> Meanwhile, the Umayyads who had fled from Medina gathered in Mecca; they were joined by the deposed governors of Basra and Yemen, who had brought with them money appropriated from the public treasury. Talha and Zobayr, already frustrated in their political ambitions, were further disappointed by Ali in their efforts to secure for themselves the governorships of Basra and Kufa. When they learned that their supporters had gathered in Mecca, they asked Ali’s permission to leave Medina on the pretext of making the omra (lesser pilgrimage). They then broke with Ali, placing the responsibility for Othman’s murder on him and demanding that he bring the murderers to trial; they were joined by the Umayyads, whose objectives, however, were different. Unable to muster much support in Hejaz, Talha and Zobayr decided to move to Basra with the expectation of finding the necessary forces and resources to mobilize Iraqi support. When Ali discovered this, he set out in pursuit but did not succeed in overtaking them. The rebels occupied Basra, killing many people. Ali raised support in Kufa and followed the conspirators to Iraq. After negotiations for a peaceful settlement failed, the rebels were defeated in the Battle of the Camel, so named because of Aʾesha’s presence at the center of the battle mounted on a camel.<ref>Ghalabi, Waqʿat al-jamal, ed. M. al Yasin, Baghdad, 1970</ref>
Returning to Medina, Aʾesha learned that Othman had been murdered and that Ali was caliph. She turned back to Mecca and actively participated in a campaign against him; her grudge against Ali stemmed from the incident of the slander against her (cf. Quran 24:10-20), when Ali had advised the Prophet to divorce her.<ref>Ebn Hesham, al-Sirat al-nabawiya III, pp. 313-14; Waqedi, Ketab al-maghazi II, p. 430; Ebn Saʿd, II/2, p. 29</ref> Meanwhile, the Umayyads who had fled from Medina gathered in Mecca; they were joined by the deposed governors of Basra and Yemen, who had brought with them money appropriated from the public treasury. Talha and Zobayr, already frustrated in their political ambitions, were further disappointed by Ali in their efforts to secure for themselves the governorships of Basra and Kufa. When they learned that their supporters had gathered in Mecca, they asked Ali’s permission to leave Medina on the pretext of making the omra (lesser pilgrimage). They then broke with Ali, placing the responsibility for Othman’s murder on him and demanding that he brings the murderers to trial; they were joined by the Umayyads, whose objectives, however, were different. Unable to muster much support in Hejaz, Talha and Zobayr decided to move to Basra with the expectation of finding the necessary forces and resources to mobilize Iraqi support. When Ali discovered this, he set out in pursuit but did not succeed in overtaking them. The rebels occupied Basra, killing many people. Ali raised support in Kufa and followed the conspirators to Iraq. After negotiations for a peaceful settlement failed, the rebels were defeated in the Battle of the Camel, so named because of Aʾesha’s presence at the center of the battle mounted on a camel.<ref>Ghalabi, Waqʿat al-jamal, ed. M. al Yasin, Baghdad, 1970</ref>


Ali entered Basra and divided the money found in the bayt al-mal (public treasury) equally among his supporters. This act may be taken as an indication of his policy to give equal value to the Muslims who served Islam in its early days and to the later Muslims who played a role in the conquests. He appointed Abdallah b. Abbas governor of Basra, and went to Kufa in order to gain support against Muʿawiya. He succeeded in forming a broad coalition which brought two more groups into his camp, the qorraʾ, who saw in him their last hope of regaining influence, and the traditional tribal leadership, attracted by his equal division of the booty. The successful formation of such a diverse coalition—comprised of men like Ammar b. Yaser (Mohajer), Qays b. Saʿd b. Obada (Ansari), Malek Ashtar (qorraʾ group), and Ashʿathb. Qays Kendi (a former redda leader who had emerged as a tribal leader in Kufa)—seems to be due to Ali’s remarkable character.
Ali entered Basra and divided the money found in the bayt al-mal (public treasury) equally among his supporters. This act may be taken as an indication of his policy to give equal value to the Muslims who served Islam in its early days and to the later Muslims who played a role in the conquests. He appointed Abdallah b. Abbas governor of Basra, and went to Kufa in order to gain support against Muʿawiya. He succeeded in forming a broad coalition which brought two more groups into his camp, the qorraʾ, who saw in him their last hope of regaining influence, and the traditional tribal leadership, attracted by his equal division of the booty. The successful formation of such a diverse coalition—comprised of men like Ammar b. Yaser (Mohajer), Qays b. Saʿd b. Obada (Ansari), Malek Ashtar (qorraʾ group), and Ashʿathb. Qays Kendi (a former redda leader who had emerged as a tribal leader in Kufa)—seems to be due to Ali’s remarkable character.
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The imamate of Ali is a cardinal principle of Shiʿite faith. Through [[Wilayah|walaya]] (devotion to Ali and the [[Imam]]s) true knowledge of Islam can be obtained. The first three caliphs had usurped Ali’s right and the majority of the early community deviated from the rightful Imam. According to a saying attributed to Ali himself, those who fought against him in the battle of the Camel were “breakers of allegiance” (naketun), those who opposed him in the battle of Siffin were “wrongdoers” (qaseṭun), and those who fought against him in the battle of Nahrawan (the Khawarej) were “deviators” (marequn). Only the Batriya among the early Zaydis upheld the imamate of Abu Bakr, Omar, and Othman, on the grounds that Ali did not oppose them. Considering him the most excellent man (fazel) after the Prophet, they permitted the imamate of the less excellent (mafzul). But from the 3rd/9th century onward the views of the Jarudiya, who rejected the imamate of the first three caliphs, prevailed among the Zaydis.  
The imamate of Ali is a cardinal principle of Shiʿite faith. Through [[Wilayah|walaya]] (devotion to Ali and the [[Imam]]s) true knowledge of Islam can be obtained. The first three caliphs had usurped Ali’s right and the majority of the early community deviated from the rightful Imam. According to a saying attributed to Ali himself, those who fought against him in the battle of the Camel were “breakers of allegiance” (naketun), those who opposed him in the battle of Siffin were “wrongdoers” (qaseṭun), and those who fought against him in the battle of Nahrawan (the Khawarej) were “deviators” (marequn). Only the Batriya among the early Zaydis upheld the imamate of Abu Bakr, Omar, and Othman, on the grounds that Ali did not oppose them. Considering him the most excellent man (fazel) after the Prophet, they permitted the imamate of the less excellent (mafzul). But from the 3rd/9th century onward the views of the Jarudiya, who rejected the imamate of the first three caliphs, prevailed among the Zaydis.  


Ali, the wasi of the Prophet, was specially instructed and authorized by him on God’s command to assist him in his task. The Prophet brought the revelation (tanzil) and laid down the shariʿa, while Ali, the repository of the Prophet’s knowledge, provided its interpretation (taʾwil). During the Prophet’s lifetime Ali’s position was next to his and after him he succeeded him as the next most excellent man. He was divinely guided, infallible (maʿsum), purified from all defilement, and could not commit any sin, minor or major. He is the disposer of heaven and hell and the dispenser of drink (saqi) at the celestial pool of Kawthar. He will intercede with God on the Day of Judgment on behalf of his followers; he is the Guide for mankind, the Proof (hojja) of God’s existence to His creatures, and the Gate of His mercy. Salvation is reserved solely for those who declare their belief and devotion to him.<ref>Qazi Noʿman, Sharḥ al-akhbar MS; Ebn Babuya, Resalat al-eʿteqadat, tr. Fyzee, London, 1942; Helli, Sharh al-bab al-Hadi ʿashar, tr. Miller, London, 1958; Majlesi, Behar al-anwar, Tehran, 1376/1956, VII, pp. 326-40, VIII, pp. 16-63, XV, pp. 1ff., XXVII, pp. 1ff., XXXV-XLII, passim</ref>
Ali, the wasi (executor) of the Prophet, was specially instructed and authorized by him on God’s command to assist him in his task. The Prophet brought the revelation (tanzil) and laid down the shariʿa, while Ali, the repository of the Prophet’s knowledge, provided its interpretation (taʾwil). During the Prophet’s lifetime Ali’s position was next to his and after him he succeeded him as the next most excellent man. He was divinely guided, infallible (maʿsum), purified from all defilement, and could not commit any sin, minor or major. He is the disposer of heaven and hell and the dispenser of drink (saqi) at the celestial pool of Kawthar. He will intercede with God on the Day of Judgment on behalf of his followers; he is the Guide for mankind, the Proof (hojja) of God’s existence to His creatures, and the Gate of His mercy. Salvation is reserved solely for those who declare their belief and devotion to him.<ref>Qazi Noʿman, Sharḥ al-akhbar MS; Ebn Babuya, Resalat al-eʿteqadat, tr. Fyzee, London, 1942; Helli, Sharh al-bab al-Hadi ʿashar, tr. Miller, London, 1958; Majlesi, Behar al-anwar, Tehran, 1376/1956, VII, pp. 326-40, VIII, pp. 16-63, XV, pp. 1ff., XXVII, pp. 1ff., XXXV-XLII, passim</ref>
==References==
==References==
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