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Isma

2022-06-12T08:34:52Z

Heydari:

'''‘Isma''', as a theological term meaning immunity from error and sin, is attributed by [[Sunnis]] to the prophets and by [[Shiʿism|Shi’is]] also to the [[Imam|imams]]. The Infallible is considered as being immune to error in practical matters, in calling people to religion, and in the perception of divine knowledge. 'Isma indicates the ability to avoid acts of disobedience, despite having the power to commit them. ʿIsma also denotes infallibility, in “the total knowledge of the meaning of the revelation and its prescriptions” and, consequently, in absolute authority for instruction. In [[Shiʿa|Shiʿism]], it is recognized in the imams, in whom it is innate. It is recognized in [[Sunnis|Sunnism]] also, but in respect of the community (ʿIsmat al-Jamaʿa) in its general consensus or ijmaʿ — infallibility in the interpretation of the law, and even in the establishment of new juridical solutions.
==In Shi’ism==
The term and the concept of ʿIsma do not occur in the Quran or canonical Sunni [[Hadith]]. They were first used by the [[Imami|Imami Shiʿa]], who at least since the first half of the 2nd/8th century maintained that the [[imam]] as the divinely appointed and guided leader and teacher of the community must be immune (maʿsum) from error and sin. This doctrine has always remained a cardinal dogma of Imamism. While the early Imami theologian Hisham b. al-Hakam (d. 179/795-6) restricted this impeccability to the imams, holding that prophets might disobey the commands of God and then would be criticized by a revelation, later Imami doctrine always ascribed it equally to prophets and imams. The extent of the immunity was gradually expanded. Ibn Babuya (d. 381/991), representing the view of the traditionalist scholars of Qumm, affirmed that prophets and imams, though entirely immune from major (kabaʾir) and minor (saghiʾir) sins, were liable to inadvertence (sahw), which God might induce in them to demonstrate to humankind that they were merely human. His opinion was refuted by Shaykh al-Mufid (d. 413/1022), who held that prophets and imams after their vocation were immune from inadvertence and forgetfulness (nisyan) while admitting that they (except for the Prophet [[Muhammad]]) might have committed minor, not disgraceful (ghayr mustakhaffa) sins before their vocation. Al-Mufid’s disciple al-Sharif al-Murtaza (d. 436/1044), who wrote a book on the impeccability of the prophets and imams, held that they were entirely immune both before and after their vocation. This has become the accepted Imami doctrine, later expressly including immunity from inadvertence. It is, however, admitted that imams might choose the less commendable alternative or neglect admirable supererogatory acts. ʿIsma is commonly defined as a kindness (lutf) bestowed by God and, as in Sunni doctrine, is not a natural quality of prophets and imams. It does not cause avoidance of sin commitment thus, does not invalidate the right of prophets and imams to reward.

The Ismaʿiliyah shares the Imami doctrine of the ʿIsma of imams and prophets. The [[Zaydiyah]] do not consider ʿIsma a qualification of the imam, though some later Zaydi authorities have attributed it to [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|ʿAli]], [[Hasan]] and [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain]] specifically.

==In Sunnism==
Outside [[Shiʿa|Shiʿism]] the ʿIsma of the prophets was first and most consistently upheld by the Muʿtazila. Already al-Nazzam in the late 2nd/8th century taught the impeccability of the prophets, and by the time of al-Ashʿari, immunity from unbelief and major sins both before and after the prophetic mission was considered the unanimous doctrine of the Muʿtazila. There was some dispute as to whether prophets might commit minor sins consciously or not. While al-Nazzam held that the wickedness of prophets reported in the Quran could arise only from inadvertence or erroneous interpretation (taʾwil) of God’s commands, al-Jahiz maintained that they must have been committed knowingly, since unconscious infraction of the divine law in his view was not sinful. In the classical doctrine, since the two al-Jubbaʾis, the extent of the immunity was defined as including all significant sins and minor sins "causing aversion" (munaffira). This definition resulted from the premise that prophecy was an act of kindness incumbent on God for the guidance of humankind and must be protected by Him from any impediments to its effectiveness. Abu ʿAli. al-Jubbaʾi (d. 303/915-6) asserted that even minor acts of disobedience, if intentional, must be considered as causing aversion and admitted only sins by inadvertency or erroneous interpretation. Abu Hashim (d. 321/933) and most later scholars held that intentional minor sins were not necessarily "causing aversion." The immunity applied equally to the time before and after the mission, though Abu ʿAli al-Jubbaʾi was not relatively consistent in rejecting major sins before it.

Ashʿari doctrine on the ʿIsma of the prophets varied, generally moving from a negative attitude toward broader affirmation. Scholars with traditionalist leanings were more reserved in affirming the sinlessness of the prophets since this conflicted with a literal acceptance of passages in the Quran and Hadith. The view later ascribed to al-Ashʿari, that prophets were immune from error and sin after, but not before, their mission is probably not authentic. It reflects, however, the later common Ashʿari doctrine, which restricted the immunity to the time after the mission, admitting both major and minor pins, though not unbelief, before it. Concerning the extent of immunity after the task, the views differed. Al-Baqillani (d. 403/1012), against the Muʿtazili doctrine, denied any rational basis for the claim of ʿIsma of the prophets beyond immunity from intentional lying in the transmission of the divine message, admitting the possibility of errors by inadvertence or forgetfulness. The last admission was rejected by his contemporary Abu Ishaq al-Isfarayini and the later school doctrine. Al-Baḳillanfs denial of a rational basis of the claim of immunity from sin was commonly accepted by the last principle, though major sins were excluded based on revealed texts (Isamʿ) or consensus. Ibn Furak (d. 406/1015) held that prophets might commit minor sins intentionally but not significant sins. It is thus evident that ʿAbd al-Qahir al-Baghdadi (d. 429/1037) expresses his wish rather than the fact in claiming an Ashʿari consensus affirming the immunity of prophets from all sins after their mission. After him, al-Juwayni (d. 478/1085) stated as his personal view that prophets commit minor sins, and al-Juwayni’s disciple al-Ghazali affirmed that prophets commit sins and are obliged to ask God for forgiveness. Even Fakhr al-Din at-Razi (d. 606/1209), who argued at length for the ʿIsma of prophets on rational grounds, admitted unintentional minor sins after, and major sins before, their mission. Against the Ashʿari school tradition, complete immunity of the prophets was upheld by the Qazi ʿIyad (d. 544/1149) and al-Subki (d. 771/1370), the former expressly including the time before the mission.

Maturidi doctrine generally was more positive in claiming sinlessness for the prophets. Although some Maturidi scholars admitted minor sins in prophets, others, especially Samarqand, strictly denied all sins, including "slips" (zallat). No difference was made between the time before and after the mission. The importance given to the doctrine of ʿIsma is reflected by the fact that it is usually included in Maturidi creeds in contrast to Ashʿari and [[Hanbali]] ideologies. Under the Saljuqs, the charge of imputing sins to the prophets figured among the accusations against Ashʿarism, which were used to justify its suppression in favour of Maturidi [[Hanafism]].

The doctrine of the sinlessness of the prophets was opposed by traditionalists upholding the literal meaning of the passages in the Quran and Hadith, mentioning their failures. Ibn Karram (d. 255/840), the founder of the Karramiyya [q.v.], expressly affirmed that prophets might commit sins without qualifying their nature. Later Karrami doctrine excluded sins requiring legal punishment (hadd) or impairing probity. The Hanbalis did not adopt the philosophy of impeccability of the prophets. In his profession of faith, Ibn Batta (d. 387/997) emphasizes that the prophets have committed sins, citing relevant passages of the Quran. Later, Hanbali scholars like Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328) and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya (d. 751/1350) stressed the ʿIsma of the prophets in respect to their transmission of the revelation but did not include immunity from sins.

Particular views on ʿIsma were developed in Sufi circles in connection with their doctrine of mystical sainthood. Some Sufis from al-Junayd (d. 298/910) to Ibn al-ʿArabi (d. 638/1240) have attributed virtually complete impeccability, far beyond the common Sunni doctrine, to Muhammad as the ideal Sufi saint. ʿIsma was also often, against some dissent, attributed by Sunni, Muʿtazili, and Shi’i theologians to the angels.

==Bibliography==

*al-Ashʿari, Maḳālāt al-Islāmiyyīn, ed. H. Ritter, Istanbul 1929-33, 44 f., 226 f.: al-Mufid, Awāʾil almaḳālāt,Tabrīz 1371, 29 f., 35, 111
*idem, Taṣḥīḥ al-iʿtiḳād, Tabrīz 1371, 60-2
*al-S̲h̲arīf al-Murtaḍā, Tanzīh al-anbiyāʾ, al-Nad̲j̲af n.d.
*W. M. Miller (trans.), Al-Bâbu ’l-Hâdî ʿAs̲h̲ar... by... Ibnu ’l-Muṭahhar al-Ḥillî, London 1928, 64-8
*al-Mad̲j̲lisī, Biḥār al-anwār, Tabrīz 1303-5, vi, 268-99, vii, 228-33, 265
*al-Ḵh̲ayyāṭ, al-Intiṣār, ed. H. S. Nyberg, Cairo 1925, 93-6
*ʿAbd al-D̲j̲abbār al-Asadābādī, al-Mug̲h̲nī, xvi, ed. M. al-Ḵh̲uḍayrī and M. M. Ḳāsim, Cairo 1965,279-316
*Ibn Ḥazm, al-Fiṣal fi ’l-milal wa ’l-niḥal, Cairo 1317-21, iv, 1-35
*Bag̲h̲dādī, Farḳ, 210
*idem, Uṣūl al-dīn, Istanbul 1928, 167-9
*al-Ḏj̲uwaynī, al-Irs̲h̲ād, ed. M. Y. Mūsā and ʿA. ʿA. ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd, Cairo 1950, 356 f.
*al-Ḳāḍī ¶ ʿIyāḍ, al-S̲h̲ifāʾ bi-taʿrīf ḥuḳūḳ al-Muṣṭafā, Cairo 1329, ii, 79-157
*al-Rāzī, al-Arbaʿīn fī uṣūl al-dīn, Hyderabad 1353, 329-68
*ʿIsma — Brill 5/4/19, 1(31 PM
*[https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-2/isma-SIM_3643?lang=en Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition Page 5 of 6]
*al-Subkī, Ṭabaḳāt al-S̲h̲āfiʿiyya al-kubrā, Cairo n.d., ii, 268
*al-Īd̲j̲ī, al-Mawāḳif, ed. Th. Soerensen, Leipzig 1848, 218-38
*al-Bazdawī, Uṣūl al-dīn, ed. H. P. Linss, Cairo 1963, 167-72
*Ibn Baṭṭa, al-S̲h̲arḥ wa ’l-ibāna ʿalā uṣūl al-sunna wa ’l-diyāna, ed. H. Laoust, Damascus 1958, 63, trans. 120
*al-Kalābād̲h̲ī, al-Taʿarruf li-mad̲h̲hab ahl al-taṣawwuf, ed. A. J. Arberry, Cairo 1933, 43 f
*Goldziher, Vorlesungen, 220-5
*idem, Aus der Theologie des Fachr al-dīn al-Rāzī, in Isl., iii (1912), 238-45
*T. Andrae, Die Person Muhammeds in Lehre und Glauben seiner Gemeinde, Stockholm 1918, 124-74
*D. M. Donaldson, The Shiʿite religion, London 1933, 320-38
*H. Laoust, Essai sur les doctrines sociales et politiques de Taḳī-d-Dīn Aḥmad b. Taymiyya, Cairo;1939, 186-94.
*Add to the references given in the preceding section: Goldziher, in Der Islam, iii, 238-45
*Manār, v, 12-21, 87-93
*ʿIsma — Brill 5/4/19, 1(31 PM
*[https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-2/isma-SIM_3643?lang=en Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, Page 6 of 6]
*S̲h̲āhrastānī, in the margin of Ibn Ḥazm, i, 151
*G. Hourani, The basis of authority of consensus in sunnite Islam, in St. Isl., xxi (1954), 43 f., 49 f.
*Ibn Ḵh̲aldūn, Muḳaddima, Beirut 1900, 196, 452 f.
*E. Tyan, Institutions du dr. pupl. mus., ii, Paris 1957, 393 f.

==Source==

*[https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-2/isma-SIM_3643?lang=en Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition]

[[Category:Islamic Terminologies]]
[[Category:Concepts and Beliefs]]

Zuhayr b. al-Qayn

2022-05-31T13:25:36Z

Heydari:

{{Infobox companion of Imam (a)
| name = 
| image =Martyrs of Karbala.jpg
| image size =
| caption =
| Full name = Zuhayr b. al-Qayn al-Bajali
| Companion of = [[Hussain ibn Ali|Imam al-Hussain]]
| Kunya =
| Epithet =
| Well Known As =
| Religious Affiliation =
| Lineage = Al-Bajila tribe
| Well known relatives =
| Birth =
| Place of Birth =
| Place of Residence = [[Kufa]]
| Death/martyrdom= 61/680
| Cause of Death/martyrdom = Martyred in the Event of [[Ashura]]
| Burial place = [[Karbala]]
| Professors =
| Students =
| Works =
| Activities = Commander of the right wing of [[Hussain ibn Ali|Imam al-Hussain]]'s army in the Event of [[Ashura]]
|Native name=زهیر بن القین}}
'''Zuhayr b. al-Qayn''' (Arabic: زهیر بن القین) was a senior member of the al-Bajila tribe who was martyred in the Battle of [[Karbala]]. He was a noble man and highly respected in virtue of participating in many battles. In some sources, al-Qayn—Zuhayr's father—is mentioned as one of the companions of [[Prophet Muhammad|the Prophet]]. Zuhayr was among prominent companions of [[Hussain ibn Ali|Imam Hussain]] and a high-ranking member of his army.

==Joining to the Imam Hussain's army==
Zuhayr was an advocate of Uthman. In 60/680, Zuhayr and his wife were returning from hajj pilgrimage to [[Kufa]] together with their relatives and fellows. There they met Imam Hussain and his companions in a resting area, called [[Zarud]], on the way. Imam Hussain and his companions were also on their way to [[Kufa]]. According to al-Dinawari, the meeting occurred in [[Zarud]] resting area.<ref>Dīnawarī, ''al-Akhbār al-ṭiwāl'', p. 246.</ref>

Imam Hussain sent a messenger to Zuhayr and asked him for a meeting. Zuhayr was first reluctant to meet the Imam, but when his wife, Daylam or Dalham, the daughter of Amr,<ref>Balādhurī, ''Ansāb al-ashrāf'', vol. 3, p. 167; Ṭabarī, ''Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk'', vol. 4, p. 298.</ref> encouraged him to do so, he went to Imam Hussain. The meeting changed his life's path. After the meeting, he happily went back to his family and friends, and had his camp and stuff moved near Imam Hussain's camp.<ref>Balādhurī, ''Ansāb al-ashrāf'', vol. 3, p. 167; Ṭabarī, ''Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk'', vol. 4, p. 298.</ref>

Zuhayr said farewell to his wife, and, based on another account, divorced her, and told her: "I am going to be martyred besides Imam Hussain. You go back to your family together with your brother because I do not want you to see anything harmful from me".<ref>Ṭabarī, ''Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk'', vol. 4, p. 396.</ref>

Zuhayr then asked his companions to join him if they are willing to be martyred; otherwise, this would be their last visit. According to some sources, Salman b. Mudarib—Zuhayr's cousin—accompanied him and joined Imam Hussain's army.<ref>Dīnawarī, ''al-Akhbār al-ṭiwāl'', p. 246-247.</ref>

==Speech in Dhu Husam==
Encountered [[Horr B. Yazid al-Riahi al-Yarbuʾi al-Tamimi|Hurr b. Yazid]]'s army, Imam Hussain delivered a speech in Dhu Husam area. In this speech, Imam mentioned many changes happened to the world, corruptions dominant in the society, and the insignificance of this-worldly life.<ref>Ṭabarī, ''Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk'', vol. 4, p. 396.</ref> When the Imam's speech was over, Zuhayr was the first one who declared his obedience of Imam Hussain. The Imam prayed for him and appreciated him.<ref>Balādhurī, ''Ansāb al-ashrāf'', vol. 3, p. 171; Ṭabarī, ''Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk'', vol. 4, p. 305.</ref>

==Suggestion of Attack on Hurr's Army==
On second of [[Muharram]], 61/October 2, 680, Imam Hussain's caravan arrived in Ninawa. At the same time, a messenger from [[Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad|Ubayd Allah b. Ziyad]] delivered a letter for Hurr in which Ibn Ziyad ordered him to remain strict on Hussain and force him to dwell in a desert with no water. Hurr informed the Imam of the letter. Imam Hussain asked Hurr to let him dwell in Nineveh, Ghadiriyya or Shufayh. But Hurr replied that this was not possible since Ubayd Allah b. Ziyad had spies there.

Zuhayr suggested to Imam Hussain to attack Hurr's army, since it was easier to fight with them than with the group that was about to arrive. But Imam Hussain replied that "I will not start the war".

Zuhayr proposed another idea and suggested to dwell in a land near the Euphrates called al-Aqar, since it had natural ramparts. He proceeded on his suggestion and said if the army of Hurr would prevent them from going there they would fight the army of Hurr since fighting them is easier than the army that will come after. Imam Hussain said: "I refuge to God from al-Aqar!"<ref>Dīnawarī, ''al-Akhbār al-ṭiwāl'', p. 251-252; Balādhurī, ''Ansāb al-ashrāf'', vol. 3, p. 167; Ibn al-Athīr, ''al-Kāmil fī l-tārīkh'', vol. 4, p. 51-52.</ref>
==On the Day of Tasu'a==
In the afternoon of [[Tasu'a]], Imam Hussain's sent his brother, [[Abbas B. ʿAli B. Abu Taleb|Abbas b. Ali]] to [[Omar Ibn Sa’d|Umar b. Sa'd]]'s camp to see what they had in mind. Abbas and twenty of Imam Hussain's companions, including Zuhayr b. al-Qayn and [[Habib b. Muzahir]], went to the enemy's army and asked them what they wanted and what they had in mind.

They said: "we are ordered to fight you if you do not abide with Ibn Ziyad's orders". Abbas told them to wait until he delivers the message to Imam Hussain. They agreed and waited for the reply. In the meanwhile, Habib b. Muzahir and Zuhayr b. al-Qayn seized the opportunity to preach Umar b. Sa'd's army.

Uzra b. Qays (from Umar b. Sa'd's army) said:

"O' Zuhayr! You were not a Shiite (follower) of this household and were an advocate of Uthman!"

Zuhayr replied:

"Does not my presence here mean that I am with them now? I swear to God that I never wrote a letter to al-Hussain b. Ali and never sent a messenger to him and never promised to help him, but our paths met and when I met him and remembered the Prophet and al-Hussain's place for him and learned that he was going to his enemy and your party, then I decided to help him and be in his group and sacrifice my life for the right of God and the Prophet that ignored by you."

==The Night Before Ashura==
The night before Ashura, Imam Hussain gave his companions and household the permission to leave him and save their lives. However,all companions declared their allegiance and faithfulness to him. After members of Imam Hussain's household expressed their allegiances, [[Muslim b. Awsaja al-Asadi]] declared his faithfulness. Then Zuhayr b. al-Qayn stood up and said:

"I swear to God that I want to be killed, then be alive again, and then be killed again for a thousand times so that God protects you and your household from being killed".<ref>Ṭabarī, ''Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk'', vol. 4, p. 318; Mufīd, ''al-Irshād'', vol. 2, p. 92.</ref>

==Commandership of the Right Front of the Army==
On the day of [[Ashura]], after the morning prayer, Imam Hussain appointed Zuhayr b. al-Qayn as the commander of the right front of his army, and Habib b. Muzahir as the commander of its left front. He gave the flag to his brother, Abbas.<ref>Dīnawarī, ''al-Akhbār al-ṭiwāl'', p. 256; Balādhurī, ''Ansāb al-ashrāf'', vol. 3, p. 187; Ṭabarī, ''Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk'', vol. 4, p. 320.</ref>

==Preaching the Army of Umar b. Sa'd==
On the day of Ashura when the two armies finally confronted, Imam Hussain preached the army of enemy. After the Imam's speech, Zuhayr b. al-Qayn asked the Imam to let him give a speech. He addressed the people of Kufa and warned them about fighting with Imam Hussain. But the army of Umar b. Sa'd responded by cursing Zuhayr and praising Ubayd Allah b. Ziyad, and insisted on the war. Finally, Shimr b. Dhi l-Jawshan threw an arrow to him.

Someone from Imam Hussain's army called Zuhayr and told him that:

Imam Hussain told you to come back. As the believer from the Pharaoh's household preached his tribe but to no avail, you too have preached them enough.<ref>Ṭabarī, ''Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk'', vol. 4, p. 323-324; Ibn al-Athīr, ''al-Kāmil fī l-tārīkh'', vol. 4, p. 63-64</ref>

===Zuhayr’s Speech===
(Tabari) Azdi says that As’ad Shami related to me from one of his tribesman named Kaseer bin Abdullah Sha’abi, who was present in Karbala, that when we laid siege upon Imam Hussain, Zuhayr bin Qayn came towards us riding a horse with a thick tail, and he was well-equipped with arms.

He said, “Beware of the wrath of Allah. It is obligatory upon a Muslim to advice his brother Muslim. We are still brothers of one another and followers of the same Religion. Until the swords have not separated us, we are of the same creed, thus advising you is obligatory upon me. But when the swords come in between us, the bond of brotherhood will break off, then we will be another nation and you another one. Allah the Almighty has tied us by means of the progeny of Prophet Muhammad so that He may be aware as to what you and we do. We now invite you to assist him (Imam Hussain) and call upon you to abandon the unruly son of the unruly father Ubayd Allah bin Ziyad, from whom you have witnessed and seen nothing except evil. They pierce rods into your eyes, amputate your hands and feet, they hang you upon the gallows and cut off your ears and nose. And they kill the virtuous and the intellectuals among you viz. Hujr bin Adi and his companions, [[Haniʾ b. ʿUrwa al-Muradi|Hani bin Urwa]], and others similar to them.”

The narrator says that when they heard this speech, they started abusing Zuhayr and praising Ubayd Allah and said, “By Allah! We shall not retreat back from here until we have killed your master and all those who are along with him or to dispatch him along with his companions to the commander Ubayd Allah in peace.”

Then Zuhayr said, “O servants of Allah! The son of [[Fatima]] is more worthy for friendship and aid than the son of Sumayyah. If you do not assist him, then by Allah give him refuge and do not kill him. Take him to the presence of his cousin Yazid. By my life! Yazid will be pleased with you if you do not kill him.” Hearing this [[Shimr b. Dhi l-Jawshan|Shimr]] shot an arrow at him and said, “Be quite, may your voice be subdued! Verily you have exhausted us through your excessive speech.”

Zuhayr replied, “O son of a nomad! I am not speaking to you. Verily you are an animal and by Allah! I am of the opinion that you cannot even recite two verses of the Qur’an accurately. Then I give glad tidings to you of the disgrace and irksome wrath on the day of Qiyamah.” Shimr said, “Very soon Allah will kill you and your master.”

Zuhayr said, “Are you frightening me by death? By Allah! Dying with the Imam is more preferable in my eyes than immortality with you.” Then Zuhayr turned towards the other people and said, “O slaves of Allah! Beware lest these base oppressors and their accomplices may deceive you. By Allah! The intercession of Muhammad shall not reach them, who will spill the blood of his Progeny and his family, and kill those who assist them or defend their sanctity.” Then a person called out to him saying, “Abu Abdullah (Imam Hussain) says that by my life O Zuhayr! Return back. Verily you have advised and admonished like the believer of the people of Fira’un had advised and admonished his community.”

==Zuhayr's Fame Among People of Kufa==
Zuhayr was known as a brave, distinguished and prominent figure of Kufa. Thus he was challenged to individual battles by Salim and Yasar—servants of Ziyad b. Abih and Ubayd Allah b. Ziyad—who were chanting paeans. When [[Abd Allah b. 'Umayr al-Kalbi|Abd Allah b. Umayr al-Kalbi]] went to fight with them, they told him: "we do not know you. Let Zuhayr b. al-Qayn or Habib b. Muzahir come and fight with us".<ref>Ṭabarī, ''Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk'', vol. 4, p. 327; Mufīd, ''al-Irshād'', vol. 2, p. 101.</ref> Zuhayr raised to smash them, but Imam al-Hussain did not let him go, and sent Abd Allah b. 'Umayr to fight them.

==Preventing the Attack on Imam's Camps==
[[Shimr b. Dhi l-Jawshan]], accompanied with a number of his soldiers, invaded Imam Hussain's camp from the back. Shimr hit the Imam's camp with a spear and cried: "bring a fire so that I burn the place with its residents". Imam Hussain replied: "O' the son of Dhi l-Jawshan! You need fire to burn the camp and my household? May God burn you with fire!" At this time, Zuhayr and ten people from his companions attacked Shimr and his soldiers and forced them out. Zuhayr killed Abu Izza al-Dababi—a friend and a relative of Shimr.<ref>Ṭabarī, ''Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk'', vol. 4, p. 334; Ibn al-Athīr, ''al-Kāmil fī l-tārīkh'', vol. 4, p. 69-70.</ref>
==Joint Battle==
After the [[martyrdom]] of Habib b. Muzahir, Zuhayr and Hurr went to the battlefield. They supported one another; whenever one was surrounded by the enemies, the other helped him out. They fought until Hurr was martyred and Zuhayr went back to the camp.<ref>Ṭabarī, ''Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk'', vol. 4, p. 336; Ibn al-Athīr, ''al-Kāmil fī l-tārīkh'', vol. 4, p. 71.</ref>
==Protection of Worshipers at the Noon of Ashura==
On the day of Ashura, Imam Hussain and some of his companions were saying noon prayers while Zuhayr b. al-Qayn and [[Sa'id b. 'Abd Allah al-Hanafi|Sa'id b. Abd Allah al-Hanafi]] protected them against the attacks of the enemy. They shielded themselves against the arrows until the prayer was finished.<ref>Khwārizmī, ''Maqtal al-Ḥusayn'', vol. 2, p. 20.</ref>
==Martyrdom==
Zuhayr went to the battlefield with Imam's permission. It is said that he killed about 120 people from the enemy's army, and was eventually martyred by Kathir b. Abd Allah al-Sha'bi and Muhajir b. Aws al-Tamimi.<ref>Balādhurī, ''Ansāb al-ashrāf'', vol. 3, p. 196; Ṭabarī, ''Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk'', vol. 4, p. 336.</ref>
==Imam al-Hussain's Pray for Zuhayr==
When Zuhayr was martyred, Imam Hussain prayed for him thus: "O, Zuhayr! May God bless you with His mercy and curse your killers with an eternal curse, like that of Israelites who were transshaped by God."<ref>Khwārizmī, ''Maqtal al-Ḥusayn'', vol. 2, p. 20.</ref>
==Zuhayr's Name in Ziyara al-Shuhada'==
Zuhayr b. al-Qayn is mentioned in [[Ziyara al-Shuhada']] as follows:

"Peace be upon Zuhayr the son of al-Qayn al-Bajali; when the son of the Prophet gave him the permission to leave, he replied: 'I swear to God that I will never abandon the son of the Prophet —may peace be upon him and his progeny. Do I leave the son of the Prophet while he is surrounded by the enemies and save my life? May such a day never come!"<ref>Ibn Ṭāwūs, ''Iqbāl al-aʿmāl'', vol. 3, p. 77-78.</ref>

==References==
{{reflist|30em}}

==Bibliography==

*Balādhurī, Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā al-. ''Ansāb al-ashrāf''. Beirut: Dār al-Taʿāruf, 1977.
*Ibn al-Athīr, ʿAlī b. Muḥammad. ''Al-Kāmil fī l-tārīkh''. Beirut: Dār al-Ṣādir, 1965.
*Ibn Ṭāwūs, ʿAlī b. Mūsā. ''Iqbāl al-aʿmāl''. Edited by Jawād Qayyūmī. Qom: Daftar-i Tablīghāt-i Islāmī, 1376 Sh.
*[[Maqtal al-Hussain (al-Khwarizmi)|Khwārizmī, Muḥammad b. Aḥmad. ''Maqtal al-Ḥusayn''. Edited by Muḥammad al-Samāwī. Qom: Maktabat al-Mufīd, [n.d].]]
*Mufīd, Muḥammad b. Muḥammad al-. ''Al-Irshād''. Qom: Kungira-yi Shaykh al-Mufīd, 1413 AH.
*Ṭabarī, Muḥammad b. Jarīr al-. ''Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk''. Second edition. Beirut: Dār al-Turāth, 1967.

==Source==

*[http://en.wikishia.net/view/Zuhayr_b._al-Qayn WikiShia, An online encyclopedia of the school of Ahl al-Bayt]
*[http://alhassanain.org/Nafasul%20Mahmum%3B%20Relating%20to%20the%20heart%20rending%20tragedy%20of%20Karbala/Nafasul_Mahmum%3B_Relating_to_the_heart_rending_tragedy_of_Karbala_html/nafasul_mahmum.htm Shaykh Abbas Qummi, Nafasul Mahmum; Relating to the heart rending tragedy of Karbala']
{{Companions of Imam al-Hussain}}
[[Category: Individuals]]
[[Category: Historical Characters]]
[[Category: Imam Hussain’s Companions]]
[[Category: Martyrs of Karbala ]]
[[fa:زهیر بن‌ قین]]

Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad

2022-05-11T04:18:47Z

Heydari:

{{infobox person
| name =Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad
| native_name = عبید الله ابن زیاد
| image =
| known_for = [[Battle of Karbala]] (680)، Governor of Khurasan (672/73–684), Basra (674/75–684) and [[Kufa]] (680–684)
| birth_date =
| birth_place =
| father = Ziyad ibn Abihi
| mother =
| relatives =
| spouse =
| children =
| death_date = 67 H. (August 686 AD)
| death_place =Khazir (during the Battle of Khazir)
| resting_place =
}}
[[File:Obayd 1.jpg|thumbnail|Ibn-Ziad's palace in Kufa which is just a ruin nowadays. It's known as Darul'Imara.]]
'''Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad''' (d. 67/686), was [[Umayyad]] governor of Basra, Kufa and Khurasan during [[Mu’awiya]] I and [[Yazid]] I era. He was the son of Ziad b. Abih, a favorite of [[Mu’awiya]], and a Persian slave called Marjana. During Ibn Ziad's governorship of Kufa, the revolt of [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain b. ʿAli]], a grandson of Prophet [[Muhammad]], was suppressed leading to [[martyrdom]] of Hussain and his followers at the [[Battle of Karbala]]. After death of Yazid, he supported Marwan’s claim to become Caliph. Finally, he was killed by Ibrahim ibn Malek Ashtar, chief commander of [[Mukhtar]] revolt.
==Governor of Khurasan and Iraq==
He was given the governorship of Khurasan in 54/673 at the age of twenty-five, and soon afterward, he was appointed governor of Basra, where he subdued [https://www.britannica.com/topic/Kharijite Kharijite] unrest (Tabari, II, pp. 168, 172, 185-87). At the accession of [[Yazid]] I (r. 60-64/680-83), he forestalled the planned Shiʿite rebellion in [[Kufa]] by intimidating the chiefs of the main tribes and publicly executing known agents of Imam Hussain. When Hussain and his family reached Iraq, Ibn Ziad sent the army of [[Omar Ibn Sa’d|Ibn Saʿd]] against him; Hussain was killed with his followers and most of the men of his family at Karbala on 10 [[Muharram]] 61/10 October 680.
==After Death of Yazid==
After Yazid’s death in 64/683, Ibn Ziad claimed the [[caliphate]] for himself, but finding little support in Kufa and Basra, he fled to Syria, supporting the claim of Marwan b. Hakam after the death of Muawiya II (64/684; Tabari, II, pp. 433 ff.). Under Marwan and his son ʿAbd-al-Malek, he fought to maintain control of Iraq, destroying the [[tawwabun]] (repentants, i.e., those who repented for having left Hussain to meet his fate) at the battle of [https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-2/ayn-al-warda-SIM_0916 ʿAyn-al-Warda] (65/685).
==Ibn Ziad’s Death==
[[File:Obayd 2.jpg|thumbnail|Umayyad Mosque in Damascus where Sayyidah Zeynab delivered a great speech before Ibn Ziad.]]
The Kufan Shiʿites revolted again under [[Mukhtar]], who organized the mawali (freed slaves and non-Arab freemen, mostly Persians), overwhelmed the Arab opposition, and sought revenge on those responsible for Hussain’s death. Mukhtar’s general, Ibrahim b. Malek Ashtar, defeated the Syrian army near Mosul and killed Ibn Ziad (on the day of [[Ashura]] 67/6 August 686), sending his head to Mukhtar, who dispatched it to [[ʿAli b. al-Hussain|ʿAli Zayn-al-ʿAbedin]] (who smiled for the first time since his father’s death; Yaʿqubi, II, p. 309) or to Muhammad b. Hanafiya (Mukhtar-nama, Tehran, n. d., p. 7).

==Ibn Ziad’s Hostility toward Imam Hussain==
[[File:Obayd 3.jpg|thumbnail|The tub that Karbala's martyrs heads were put in it to bring them for Ibn Ziad.]]
Ibn Ziad’s role in the death of Hussain has made him a symbol of tyranny in the Shiʿite world. Though it is said that the advice of Shamer b. Dhu’l-Jawshan prevented him from accepting the compromise negotiated by Ibn Saʿd, there is ample evidence that he was largely responsible for the outcome of the battle of Karbala. [[Abbasid]] historical sources stress his intransigence toward Hussain and his followers. He is said to have struck the mouth of Hussain’s severed head with a stick, provoking the indignation of an old companion of the Prophet, Zayd b. Arqam, who had seen the Prophet kiss those lips (Tabari, II, pp. 370 f.). He is also said to have refrained from killing [[ʿAli b. al-Hussain|ʿAli Zayn-al-ʿAbedin]] only because of the pleas of Hussain’s sister, [[Zaynab]] (Tabari, pp. 372 f.). Most accounts, both historical and semi-legendary, mention his sending the women of the [[Ahl Al-Bayt|Ahl-al-Bayt]] to Damascus in uncovered palanquins. The account in Balʿami’s Persian “translation” of [[Tabari]] shows the growth of the Hussain legend; Ibn Ziad is said to have had Hussain’s head presented to him on a golden plate (ed. Bahar, p. 271). Legend has embellished Ibn Ziad’s death. A drop of blood from the head of Hussain is said to have fallen on Ibn Ziad’s thigh, causing a deep sore with such a foul stench that he was forced to tie a pouch of musk to it. The odor of musk identified his body on the battlefield (Dinavari, p. 288; Calmard, pp. 568 f.).

==Ibn Ziad in Mourning Rituals==
[[File:Obayd 4.jpg|thumbnail|Ibn Ziad's role in Mokhtarnameh. There is no picture to show Ibn Ziad in ta'ziya. ]]
Ibn Ziad ‘s tyranny has become a symbol in Persian folklore and [[taʿziya]]. Allusion to his deceitful character can be found in proverbs (Dehkhoda, I, p. 11), and he figures in nearly all [[taʿziya]]s connected with Karbala. His tyranny is illustrated in numerous majales, particularly those forecasting the sufferings of Karbala martyrs, those sometimes called “Bazar-e Kufa” showing his attitude toward the surviving Ahl-al-Bayt and Zaynab’s famous imprecations against him, and those connected with Mukhtar’s and Muhammad b. Hanafiya’s revenge (Calmard, pp. 262 ff.; on Malayan literature on the subject, see Brakel). The actor playing Ibn Ziad, clad in red, had to declaim his part with a harsh voice. When seated in his court, he generally wore a cashmere robe and a cashmere or rezaʾi turban on his head (Mostawfi, Sharh-e zendagani I, p. 289). Most of these features have been retained in recent taʿziya staging in Persia. ʿObayd-Allah b. Ziad is so accursed by the Shiʿites that the word “Allah” is sometimes omitted from his name. He is then called ʿObayd-e Ziad in some taʿziyas (Rossi and Bombaci, no. 723) and in popular literature such as the Mukhtar-nama (Calmard, p. 247).

==Bibliography==
(For cited works not given in detail, see “Short References.”)

*L. F. Brakel, The Hikayat Muhammad Ḥanafiyyah. A Medieval Muslim-Malay Romance, doctoral dissertation, Leiden, 1975.

*Balāḏorī, Fotūhá, index. J. Calmard, Le culte de l’Imām Ḥusayn. Étude sur le commémoration du drame de Karbalā dans l’Iran pré-safavide, doctoral diss., University of Paris III (Sorbonne), 1975.

*ʿA.-A. Dehḵodā, Amṯāl o ḥekam, 4 vol.,Tehran, repr. Tehran, 1352 Š./1973.

*Abū Ḥanīfa Dīnavarī, al-Aḵbār al-ṭewāl, Cairo, 1330/1911.

*Ibn al-Aṯīr, index. H. Lammens, Le Califat de Yazid Ier, Beirut, 1921, pp. 32 f., 124 ff., 137 ff.

*Masʿūdī, Tanbīh, pp. 303, 311 f.

*E. Rossi and A. Bombaci, Elenco di drammi religiosi persiani (fonde mss. Vaticani Cerulli), Vatican City, 1961.

*Ṣ Sajjādī, “Ibn Zīād” in DMBE III, pp. 640-42.

*Ṭabarī, II, index, s. v.

*ʿUbayd-Allāh b. Zīād. L. Veccia Vaglieri, “Hussain b. ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭāleb” in EI2 III, pp. 607-14.

*G. Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen I, Mannheim, 1846, pp. 291, 306 ff., 314 ff.

*G. Wellhausen, Das arabische Reich und sein Sturz, Berlin, 1902, pp. 82, 92, 105, 107 ff.

*Yaʿqūbī, Taʾrīḵ II, pp. 281 ff., 306 ff.

*K. V. Zetterstéen, “ʿUbaid Allāh b. Ziyād” in EI¹ IV, p. 985. (Jean Calmard)

==Source==

*[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/ebn-ziad Encyclopaedia Iranica]

[[Category: Individuals]]
[[Category: Battle of Karbala]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[fa:عبید الله بن زیاد]]

Umayyad

2022-04-13T04:56:15Z

Heydari:

The '''Umayyad''' caliphate ruled the Islamic world from 661 to 750. A clan in the powerful Quraysh tribe, the Umayyads dominated economic and political life in Mecca in the early 600s. Although they opposed [[Muhammad]] early in his career, the Umayyads converted to and became a strong force within [[Islam]].
==History==
After Muhammad's death in 632, the Umayyads became embroiled in disputes over leadership. Uthman, a leading Umayyad, became caliph in 644. He caused resentment by appointing many of his clan to positions of power. An assassin ended Uthman's reign in 656, and Muhammad's cousin [[Ali ibn Abi Talib]] became caliph. [[Mu'awiya]], the Umayyad governor of Syria, opposed Ali's rule, as did many others. After Ali's murder in 661, Mu'awiya seized control of the caliphate and began the Umayyad dynasty.
===Tragedy of Karbala===
The early Umayyad caliphs faced serious unrest. Several Muslim factions rejected their leadership. One group invited Ali's son [[Hussain ibn Ali]] from Medina to fight the Umayyad rulers. When Umayyad troops massacred Hussain and his family at [[Karbala]] in Iraq, outraged followers of this group turned the [[Shi'i]] branch of Islam into an important movement. Civil wars divided the empire. Even within the Umayyad clan, rival groups battled each other for power.
==Military Expansion==
The Umayyads, however, maintained their dominant position in the Islamic world. They embarked upon an ambitious campaign of Muslim expansion. Prior to Mu'awiya's reign, Islamic armies had occupied Syria, Egypt, Iraq, Libya, and most of Iran. During the early 700s, Umayyad forces added North Africa, Spain, and Portugal to the empire. Muslim armies even threatened France before their defeat at the Battle of Tours in 732. The Umayyads retained the southern French city of Narbonne until 759. In the east, Umayyad troops marched through Iran and entered Central Asia and northwest India. Muslim advances in the north brought Umayyad troops to the Byzantine capital of Constantinople. These armies besieged the city, suffering devastating losses before the defenders pushed them back.
==Governance==
The Umayyads ruled their vast empire from Syria. They combined Arab and local political ideas to create effective government. A trusted amir (governor) ruled each province and reported directly to the caliph. Syrian warriors formed the core of Umayyad military strength. The Umayyads established Arabic as the official language of government and religion, and Arabs settled throughout the empire.

Islam served as the unifying force of the caliphate. Umayyad rulers claimed legitimacy as the defenders and promoters of the faith. They developed the concept of succession sanctioned by God and not subject to questioning. Many non-Arabs converted to Islam. The Umayyads contributed to the development of a uniquely Islamic culture. Scholarship, poetry, and art thrived under their rule. They built mosques, lavish palaces, roads, and canals. They supported charities for the poor and disabled. Trade flourished as caravan routes spread across the empire.

Despite the Umayyad successes, divisions continued to plague the empire. The members of the small ruling class enjoyed special privileges, paying fewer taxes than the rest of the population and sharing in the prizes of war. Non-Arab Muslims, however, suffered discrimination. Christians and Jews had a lower social status and faced a higher tax burden. For a short period, leaders even discouraged conversion of non-Muslims to Islam in order to maintain a large tax base. The resentment of minority groups boiled over into open rebellion.
==Abbasid Revolution==
The [[Abbasid]]s, descendants of Muhammad's uncle al-Abbas, raised an army of non-Arabs in northern Iran. In the 740s, they defeated the Umayyads in several battles. After killing Umayyad leaders, the Abbasids gained control of the caliphate and established their capital in Baghdad.

One prominent Umayyad family member, however, survived the carnage. Abd al-Rahman fled to Spain and set up an independent Islamic state. The Abbasids remained unable to conquer this last Umayyad stronghold. The Umayyads retained their power there for nearly three centuries, battling the Christian kingdoms in the northern part of the country. Internal disorder finally brought down their government in 1031, but they left a lasting legacy in southern Spain with mosques, gardens, palaces, and libraries.
==Source==
* [http://www.oxfordislamicstudies.com/article/opr/t243/e356 Oxford Islamic Studies Online]
[[Category:History]]
[[Category:Islamic Dynasties]]
[[Category:Caliphate]]

Omar Ibn Sa’d

2022-04-13T04:19:24Z

Heydari:

{{infobox person
| name =Omar Ibn Sa’d
| native_name =عمر بن سعد
| image =
| known_for = killing [[Hussain ibn Ali]] in the [[Battle of Karbala]]
| birth_date = 1 H. (620 AD)
| birth_place =Medinah
| father = Sa'd ibn Abi Waqqas
| mother =
| relatives =
| spouse =sister of [[Mukhtar al-Thaqafi]]
| children = Hafs Bin Amar ibn Sa'd
| death_date = 66 H. (686 AD)
| death_place =[[Kufa]]
| resting_place =
}}
'''Omar Ibn Sa’d''' (d. Kufa 66/686), was the commander of the [[Umayyad]] troops at [[Karbala]]. He led an army of four thousand men at the battle of Karbala leading to [[martyrdom]] of [[Hussain ibn Ali|Imam Hussain]] and his followers on 10 [[Muharram]] 61/10 October 680. It is said that his motivation for suppressing Imam Hussain revolt was to achieve the governorship of Ray. Finally, he was killed by the order of [[Mukhtar]] who revolted against Umayyad to take revenge of Imam Hussain’s martyrdom.
==In the Battle of Karbala==
[[File:Omar 1.jpg|thumbnail|Hussain ibn Ali and Omar ibn Sa'd's meeting place in Karbala.]]
Son of the famous Arab general Saʿd b. Abi Waqqas, he had just been made deputy-governor (naʾeb) of Ray by [[Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad]] and was to go to Dastaba to quell a Daylamite rising when he was called back to check Hussain b. ʿAli’s insurrection. It was only under the threat of losing his post that he finally obeyed and marched at the head of 4,000 men, reaching Karbala on 3 Muharram 61/3 October 680. Although he cut off Hussain’s access to water, he tried to negotiate a settlement. At the urging of Shamer (known as [[Shemr|Shimr]] by the Shiʿites) b. Dhu’l-Jawshan ʿAmeri, a former follower of [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|ʿAli b. Abi Taleb]], Ibn Ziad ordered Ibn Saʿd to attack Hussain immediately and threatened to give Shimr the command of the army. On the evening of 10 Muharram/10 October, Ibn Saʿd sent an ultimatum to Hussain through [[Abbas b. ʿAli]] (Tabari, II, pp. 308-20). The next morning Ibn Saʿd attacked, apparently hoping that Hussain and his followers would surrender, but the circumstances ended in massacre.

According to some accounts, Ibn Saʿd was reluctant to fight Hussain (Tabari, II, pp. 309-11), and his intervention probably saved the life of [[ʿAli b. al-Hussain|ʿAli b. Hussain Zayn-al-ʿAbedin]]. On the other hand, most traditions show him eager to obey Ibn Ziad’s orders. He thus had Hussain’s corpse trampled by ten horsemen (Tabari, II, pp. 365-68; Masʿudi, Moruj III, p. 259; cf. Balʿami, ed. Rowshan, p. 711, tr. Zotenberg, IV, p. 45). For his role in the tragedy of Karbala, Ibn Saʿd was executed in Dhul’-Hejja 66/July 686 by Ibrahim b. Ashtar, at [[Mukhtar]]’s orders, during the latter’s rebellion (Tabari, II, pp. 671-74; Hawting).
==In Popular Culture==
[[File:Omar 2.jpg|thumbnail|Omar ibn Sa'd's character in ta'ziya.]]
Although Turco-Persian literature of Karbala has elaborated on Ibn Saʿd’s villainy, many historical features of his character have been retained down to the most recent [[taʿziya]]s, such as his eagerness to keep his post in Ray and his reluctance to kill Hussain. In the Mukhtar-nama, Ibn Saʿd is cursed by his own wife, who is the sister of the Shiʿite rebel Mukhtar, and his severed head is cursed by his Shiʿite younger son (pp. 209-11; Kashefi, pp. 262 f.). An old tradition holds that Ray, the price paid to him for Hussain’s blood, was under a divine curse (Yaqut, Boldan, Beirut, III, p. 118; C. Barbier de Meynard, Dictionnaire géographique de la Perse, Paris, 1861, p. 278). Ibn Saʿd’s chastisement is sometimes shown as particularly horrible; in the story of Mohammad b. al-Hanafiya, Ibn Saʿd and Ibn Ziad are smeared with naphtha and set on fire (Calmard, p. 267). In [http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/safavids Safavid] Persia ʿOmar b. Saʿd was sometimes burnt in effigy in a ritual similar to the “killing of ʿOmar” (ʿOmarkoshan), perhaps because of a popular confusion with the caliph most hated by the Persian Shiʿites (Calmard, p. 500). In taʿziyas Ibn Saʿd is the only bad character who feels remorse for his own villainy; he is ashamed to have killed Hussain and protects ʿAli Zayn-al-ʿAbedin and the women of the [[Ahl-e Bayt]], ordering them to be taken to [[Kufa]] in covered litters (mahamel mastura; Dinavari, ed. Guirgass, p. 270; Kashefi, pp. 349-50, 360). In some taʿziyas, he even seems opposed to the killing of Hussain (Mamnoun, pp. 67 ff.). But in spite of his hesitation and belated remorse, he remains a typical villain in the eyes of Muharram mourners. His arrogance while riding his horse and addressing himself to Hussain has become proverbial (methl-e Ibn-e Saʿd; ʿA.-A. Dehkhoda, Amthal o hekam, Tehran, 1352 Sh./1973, III, p. 1403).
==Bibliography==

*The main historical source is the narrative of Abū Meḵnaf (on him see U. Sezkin, Abū Mikhnaf, Leiden, 1971.), preserved most completely in Balāḏorī and Ṭabarī. On Arabic sources in general, see I. K. A. Howard, “Husain the Martyr. A Commentary on the Account of the Martyrdom in Arabic Sources,” Alserāt. The Imam Hussain Conference Number, London, 1986, pp. 124-42.

*L. F. Brakel, The Hikayat Muhammad Hanafiya. A Medieval Muslim-Malay Romance, doctoral dissert., Leiden, 1975.

*J. Calmard, Le Culte de l’Imām Ḥusayn. Étude sur la commémoration du drame de Karbalā dans l’Iran pré-safavide, Ph.D dissert., University of Paris III (Sorbonne), 1975.

*G. R. Hawting, “al-Mukhtār b. Abī ʿUbayd,” in EI ² VII, pp. 521-24.

*Hussain Wāʿeẓ Kāšefī, Rawżat al-šohadāʾ, ed. M. Ramażānī, Tehran, 1341 Š./1962.

*P. Mamnoum, Taʿzija. Schiʿitisch-persisches Passionspiel, Vienna, 1967.

*Moḵtār-nāma, Tehran, n.d.

*ʿA. Rafīʿī, “Ibn-e Saʿd” in DMBE III, pp. 682-83.

*L. V. Vaglieri, “Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib” in EI ² III, pp. 607-15 (contains an extensive bibliography on the battle of Karbalāʾ).

==Source==

*[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/ebn-sad-omar Encyclopaedia Iranica]

[[Category:Individuals]]
[[Category:Battle of Karbala]]
[[Category:Murderers of Karbala]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]

Mu'awiya

2022-03-30T08:22:49Z

Heydari:

{{infobox person
| name =Mu'awiya
| native_name =معاویة بن أبی سفیان
| image =
| known_for = 1st Caliph of the Umayyad Caliphate
| birth_date = c. 597–605
| birth_place = Mecca
| father = Abu Sufyan ibn Harb
| mother =Hind bint Utba
| relatives =
| spouse =Katwa bint Qurayza al-Nawfaliyya, Fakhita bint Qurayza al-Nawfaliyya, Maysun bint Bahdal al-Kalbiyya, Na'ila bint Umara al-Kalbiyya
| children = Yazid I, Abd Allah, Ramla (daughter)
| death_date = 26 April 680
| death_place =[[Damascus]]
| resting_place =Bab al-Saghir, Damascus
}}
[[File:Muawiya 2.jpg|thumbnail|Muawiya's palace in Damascus.]]
'''Mu'awiya''' ibn Abi Sufyan (d. 680) was the founder and first caliph of [[Umayyad]] dynasty (661-680 C.E.). Mu'awiya's father, Sakhr ibn Harb ibn Umayyah—popularly known as [[Abu Sufyan]]—led the Quraysh army against the Prophet in the battles of [https://www.britannica.com/topic/Battle-of-Uhud Uhud] and Khandaq. He later embraced Islam. His mother, Hind, the daughter of a prominent [https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-the-quran/quraysh-EQCOM_00164 Quraysh] chief, 'Utbah ibn Rabi'a, was also hostile to [[Muhammad]] before her conversion to Islam.

Mu'awiya was appointed as the Governor of Syria by ‘Umar, the second Caliph, and led Muslim army against Byzantines. After the assassination of ‘Uthman, the third Caliph, Mu'awiya’s army attacked the army of ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib at the battle of Siffin whose outcome was determined by the arbitration. Following the [[martyrdom]] of [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|Imam 'Ali]] in 661, Mu'awiya signed a peace treaty with [[Hasan B. ʿAli B. Abi Taleb|Imam Hasan]] and took the [[caliphate]] of Muslims and made Damascus as his capital.
==Early Years==
Some sources suggest that Mu'awiya accepted Islam before the conquest of Mecca in 630 but concealed it until later; the general view is that he accepted Islam after the conquest. This explains why he is included among the [http://en.wikishia.net/view/Tulaqa%27 tulaqa'] (those who were pardoned by the Prophet after the conquest).
==Governor of Syria==
Mu'awiya and his father, Abu Sufyan, were also included among what Qur'an refers to as the mu'allafat al-qulub (those to whom the Prophet gave alms as a way of reconciling their hearts to Islam). The fact that Mu'awiya was literate ensured his appointment by the Prophet as his scribe.

In 634 the first caliph of Islam, Abu Bakr, sent Mu'awiya to Syria, where he was appointed as a commander of one division of the army led by his brother, Yazid, against the Byzantines. On Yazid's death in 639, the second caliph, 'Umar, appointed him as commander of the army, collector of taxes, and governor of Damascus.

The third caliph, 'Uthman, confirmed Mu'awiya's appointment as governor of Syria, which became an important front for the defense of the caliphate against the Byzantines. Mu'awiya established garrisons all along the coast and for the first time Muslims engaged in naval warfare.

When 'Uthman was besieged in Medina by dissidents who demanded the instatement of [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|'Ali]] as caliph, he requested assistance from Mu'awiya. As soon as he assumed the caliphate after the assassination of Uthman, 'Ali sought to dismiss Mu'awiya, who refused to pay allegiance to him until Uthman's murderers had been punished.
===The Battle of Siffin===
The deadlock between 'Ali and Mu'awiya led to the [https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-the-quran/siffin-battle-of-EQSIM_00388 Battle of Siffin] in 657 c.e. The battle was brought to an end when Mu'awiya, whose army was on the verge of defeat, proposed that the conflict be resolved through negotiation. The two parties agreed to arbitration (tahkim). In fact, Mu'awiya was able to avoid defeat by adopting the clever ruse of placing pages of the Koran on his soldiers' lances, which signified that his quarrel with Ali should be settled not through fighting but by consulting the book of God.

The decision of the arbiters that both 'Ali and Mu'awiya be relieved of their posts did not resolve the conflict. Ali's supporters, in particular, rejected the outcome of the arbitration.

In the meanwhile, Mu'awiya had succeeded in gaining the support of the Syrians. In 658 he dispatched [https://www.britannica.com/biography/Amr-ibn-al-As Amr ibn al-As] to conquer Egypt on his behalf. While Mu'awiya's position was strengthened by the conquest of Egypt, 'Ali's position in Iraq (where his capital was based) was considerably weakened.
==Caliphate==
[[File:Umayyad_Mosque,_Damascus.jpg|thumbnail|Great mosque of Banu Umayya in Damascus, one of the oldest and largest mosques in the world.]]
After 'Ali was assassinated by a [https://www.britannica.com/topic/Kharijite Kharijite] dissident in 661, he was succeeded by his son [Hasan] for a short while. After gaining support of Syrians, Mu'awiya went to Iraq to confront Imam Hasan. Doubted in the loyalty of his companion, Imam accepted the peace with Mu'awiya provided that the caliphate of Muslims after Mu'awiya would be for Imam al-Hasan. Thereby, Mu'awiya inaugurated Umayyad rule in 661 and the seat of the caliphate was transferred to Damascus.

Mu'awiya's rule, according to most historians, was characterized by peace and justice. Governors were granted full civil and military authority. However, toward the end of his life, he nominated his son [[Yazid]] to succeed him. This move met with a great deal of opposition, especially from 'Abdallah ibn Zubayr and Ali's son, [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain ibn 'Ali]].

Mu'awiya was accused of turning the caliphate into a kingship. The legitimacy of Yazid's succession was debated and contested by many, including Hussain ibn Ali. Hussain's march with his followers to challenge Yazid met a tragic end at [[Karbala]], an event that is commemorated to this day by the [[Shiʿa|Shiʻa]] as well as many [[Sunnis|Sunni]] Muslims.
==Legacy==
His refusal to acknowledge 'Ali's caliphate and his appointment of Yazid as heir not only resulted in the introduction of hereditary succession in Muslim polity, but also in the emergence of the Khawarij and consolidation of the Shi'a.

Although Shi'as have not approved of Mu'awiya's character throughout history, some of his personality features have been appreciated by [[Sunni]] Muslims.
==BIBLIOGRAPHY==

*Hawting, G. R. The First Dynasty of Islam: The Umayyad
*Caliphate AD 661–750. London and New York:
*Routledge, 2000.
*Ibn Hisham, Abd al-Malik. The Life of Muhammad: A Translation of Ishag's Sirat Rasul Allah. Introduction and notes by A. Guillaume. Karachi, Pakistan, and New York: Oxford University Press, 1997.
*Tabari, al-. Between Civil Wars: The Caliphate of Mu'awiyah.
*Translated and annotated by Michael G. Morony. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987.

==Source==

*Suleman Dangor (2004). Encyclopedia of Islam and Muslim World. Edited by [[Richard C. Martin]]. USA: Macmillan; P: 477. ISBN 0-02-865912-0

[[Category: Umayyad Dynasty]]
[[Category: Individuals]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]

Shahrbanu

2022-02-08T10:56:28Z

Heydari:

{{infobox person
| name =Shahrbanu
| native_name =شهربانو
| image =
| known_for = The principal wife of the third Imam and the mother of fourth Imam
| birth_date =
| birth_place = Iran
| father =Yazdgerd III
| mother =
| relatives =
| spouse = [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain b. Ali b. Abi Talib]]
| children = [[Ali b. al-Hussain]]
| death_date =
| death_place =
| resting_place =
}}
'''Shahrbanu''' (lit. “Lady of the Land,” i.e., of Persia), is said to be the daughter of Yazdgerd III (r. 632-51), the last [http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/sasanian-dynasty Sasanian] king. According to the beliefs of the [[Shiʿa|Shiʿites]], in particular the Twelvers or Imamis, but also of a substantial number of [[Sunnis]], she became the principal wife of the third Imam, [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain b. Ali]], and the mother of the fourth Imam, [[ʿAli b. al-Hussain|Ali b. Hussain b. Ali Zayn al-Abedin]]. Consequently, the lineage of Imams, from the fourth to twelfth and final, would be her progeny. The personality of this saintly figure, especially revered in Persia, seems noteworthy and important in relationships that link [[Imami]] [[Shiʿism]] to pre-Islamic Persia. In spite of her important location in popular culture, the earliest sources make no mention of the mother of Ali ibn Hussain, nor do they ascribe him with maternal royal ancestry. Therefore, Shahrbanu as a historical figure is debated.
==Historicity==
According to the oldest sources that have come down to us, the historic mother of the fourth Imam was not much of a princess. Ibn Saʿd (d. 844-45) and Ibn Qotayba (d. 889) describe her as a slave, originally from Sindh, called Gazala and/or Solafa.<ref>Ibn Saʿd V, p. 211; Ibn Qotayba, pp. 214-15.</ref> Neither do any of the scholars of ancient history that have chronicled, at times with great attention to detail, the invasion of Persia by Muslim troops and the fate of the last Sasanian sovereign and her family, establish any relationship between the wife of Imam Hussain and one of the daughters of Yazdgerd III.<ref>Balāḏori 1866, pp. 262 ff.; idem 1974, pp. 102-103 and 146; Ṭabari I, 1879-1901, p. 2887 = Ṭabari IV 1960, p. 302; Ebn ʿAbd Rabbeh III, pp. 103 ff.</ref> The same is true for a wide range of sources and authors quite different from each other, such as Ketab al-Kharaj by the Hanafite judge Abu Yusof (d. 798) and the Shah-Nama of the pro-Shiʿite Ferdowsi (d. 1019) both of whom, though surely for very different reasons, took an interest in the destiny of the last king of Sasanian Persia and his descendants.<ref>Abu Yusof, p. 30; Ferdowsi IX, pp. 358 ff.</ref>

In his al-Kamel, the philologist Mobarrad (d. 900) seems to have been one of the very first to state that Solafa, the mother of Ali Zayn al-Abedin, was the daughter of Yazdgerd. He strongly emphasizes the nobility of the woman and, in general, the grandeur of the Persians.<ref>Mobarrad II, pp. 645-66.</ref> However, his contemporary, Abu Hanifa Dinavari (d. ca. 895) only casts the daughter of “Kesra” as a captive in the presence of [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|Ali]], during his [[caliphate]] (656-61), refusing the latter’s offer to marry his elder son [[Hasan]]. The account does not even mention Imam Hussain. Ali thus liberates the princess, granting her total freedom.<ref>Dinavari, p. 163.</ref> The nobility and pride of the Persian princess as well as her complicity with Ali are henceforth to become quite regular themes of the account in its different versions as it develops. During the same period, the chronicler Yaʿqubi (d. 904) and the heresiographers Hasan b. Musa Nowbaḵti and Saʿd b. Abd-Allah (both d. ca. 912-13) are among the first Shiʿites to allude in passing to the fact that the mother of Imam Zayn al-Abedin was the daughter of the last Sasanian king.<ref>Yaʿqubi II, pp. 246-47 and 303; Nowbakhti, p. 53; Ashʿari, p. 70.</ref> In the second half of the 9th century, Saffar Qomi (d. 902-903) delivers a long and detailed version of the account, containing especially striking details, in the form of a [[Hadith]] or saying attributed to the fifth [[Imam Mohammad Baqer|Imam Mohammad Baqir]]: under the second caliph ‘Omar (r. 634-44), the daughter of the last Sasanian king is brought captive to Medina. Light radiating from the visage of the princess illuminates the Prophet’s mosque where the caliph presides. An invocation in Persian by the Princess provokes the ruler’s temper. Ali intervenes in favor of the young princess and makes it clear to ‘Omar that events unfolding are beyond his understanding and that he should step aside. Ali then authorizes the princess, with whom he speaks in Persian, to freely choose her husband. The chosen one is Hussain to whom Ali announces the good news that the young woman will be the mother of his child, i.e. the next [[Imam]].<ref>Ṣaffar, p. 335, no. 8</ref> Saffar’s account contains some noteworthy details: it is the first time that the account is presented in the form of an Imam’s Hadith, thus rendering it a sacred quality. It will subsequently become the first account in which the Persian princess is called Shahrbanu (and also Jahanshah, literally, “king of the world”).

The Persian dimension as a result of Persian used for the first time in the midst of a text in Arabic, as well as the royalty are greatly magnified, still much more noticeably than in Mobarrad. The “Persianism” is magnified even more so than in Mobarrad both in terms of royalty and language (Persian is used for the first time in the midst of a text in Arabic). The most important point is the role ascribed to Ali: protection of the princess and perfect complicity with her; the fact that he speaks her language and insists upon her freedom and nobility of rank, his violent reaction towards ‘Omar, making him understand that he is not up to the situation, prediction of the birth of the future imam; all fully justify for a Shiʿite believer the mention of light of glory (farr(ah))<ref>Gnoli 1962; Duchesne-Guillemin 1979.</ref> that the princess bears as well as the fact that this light could even illuminate the Prophet’s mosque where the caliph of the Muslims resides. This fact acquires its fullest significance when one takes into consideration the key importance of the light of Divine Alliance (nur [[Wilayah|al-wilayah]]) in Imamism.<ref>Amir-Moezzi 1992, pp.75-112.</ref> Thus, from Imam Zayn al-Abedin onwards, the Shiʿite Imams will be the bearers of a two-fold light: that of wilayah from Ali and [[Fatima]] (thus of Muhammad) and the glorious light from the ancient kings of Persia, as transmitted by Shahrbanu.
==Further Development in Historical Sources==
From the 10th to the 12th century, several Persian authors will reprise and at times considerably develop elements from the Hadith reported by Saffar Qomi. Understandably, most of them are Persians and Imami Shiʿite traditionists such as Mohammad b. Yaʿqub Kolayni (d. 940), Abu Jaʿfar Ibn Rostam Tabari (fl. 11th cent.), Qotb-al-Din Ravandi (d. 1177-78) or Ibn Shahrashub Mazandarani (d. 1192), but one also finds Sunni “homme de lettre” such as Kaykaus b. Iskandar b. Qabus (fl. 11th cent.), author of Qabus-nama.<ref>Bibliography.</ref> Among some authors, the dialogue in Persian between Ali and Shahrbanu becomes much longer; at the same time, the nobility, wisdom and liberty of the princess, more frequently compared to [[Fatima]] is emphatically noted. Again, by means of the Persian language and the grandeur of royal Persian ancestry the “Persianism” is magnified.

However, the gradual emergence of this version does not prevent the development of other slightly different versions. In some accounts, the role of the princess is split into two parts. For example, in the Etbat al-wasiya, attributed to Masʿudi (d. 956-57), the story takes place under the caliphate of ‘Omar and in this case two daughters of Yazdgerd are given in marriage, with Ali’s consent no doubt, to his sons: Hasan marries Shahrbanu and Hussain weds Jahanshah.<ref>Pseudo?-Masʿudi, p. 170.</ref> In Shaykh Mofid’s (d. 1022) account, under Ali’s caliphate, the elder daughter of the Persian king, here named Shah-e zanan (lit.: “king of ladies” cf. the title of Fatima, sayyedat al-nesaʾ) marries Hussain, while a second unnamed daughter is given in marriage to the son of Abu Bakr, Mohammad.<ref>Mofid, pp. 137-38.</ref> Finally, let us cite the account narrated by Mofid’s master, the famous Ibn Babuya known as Shaykh Saduq, (d. 991) who in his ʿOyun akhbar al-Reza, relates a Hadith going back to the eighth [[Ali al-Rida|Imam Riza]] in which the latter, finding himself in Khorasan as inheritor to the Abbasid caliph Maʾmun (r. 813-33), confirms the link that exists between the Imams and the Persians. As proof, he tells the story of the capture, under the reign of ʿOthman, of the two daughters of Yazdgerd and their marriage to the Imams Hasan and Hussain. According to this account, both women are said to die while in labor, notably the wife of Hussain who passes away after giving birth to Imam Zayn al-Abedin.<ref>Ibn Babuya, chap. 35, no. 6, II, p. 128.</ref>

Thus, at least in its literary written versions, the story of Shahrbanu will have attained its fullest scope from the 9th to the 12th century. Writers of later periods, whether Imami or not, to this day will do no more than reproduce many of the accounts that have just been presented.<ref>for these sources, Amir-Moezzi, 2002a, p. 511 and n. 49.</ref>
==References==
{{reflist|30em}}
==Bibliography==

*Abu Yusof Yaʿqub b. Ebrāhim, Ketāb al-karāj, ed. E. Abbās, Beirut and London, 1985.
*M. A. Amir-Moezzi, Le guide divin dans le shi’isme originel. Aux sources de l’ésotérisme en Islam, Paris, 1992; Engl. tr., The Divine Guide in Early Shiʿism, New York, 1994.
*Idem, “Considérations sur l’expression dīn Alī. Aux origines de la foi shiʿite,” ZDMG150/1, 2000, pp. 29-68.
*Idem, “Shahrbānū, Dame du pays d’Iran et mère des Imams: entre l’Iran préislamique et le Shiʿisme [[Imamite]],” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 27, 2002(a), pp. 487-549; abridged version: “Shahrbānū, princesse sassanide et épouse de l’imam Ḥusayn. De l’Iran préislamique à l’Islam shiʿite,” in Comptes rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Paris, January-March 2002b, pp. 255-85.
*Ašʿari, al-Maqālāt wa ʾl-feraq, ed. M. J. Maškur, Tehran, 1963.
*Balāḏori, Fotuḥ, repr. 1968. Idem, Anṣāb, III, ed. M. B. Maḥmudi, Beirut, 1974.
*Idem, “Anāhid i and ii,” EIr. I, 1982a, pp. 1003-6.
*Dinavari, ed. Guirgass. J. Duchesne-Guillemin, “La royauté iranienne et le xvarenah,” ed. G. Gnoli and A. V. Rossi, Iranica, Naples, 1979, pp. 375-86.
*Ebn Abd Rabbeh, al-ʿEqd al-farid, Cairo, 1898.
*Ebn Bābuya [Bābawayh], ʿOyun akbār al-Reżā, ed. Hussain Lājevardi, Tehran, 1958.
*Ebn Qotayba, al-Maʿāref, ed. Ṯarwa ʿOkāša, 4th ed., Cairo, 1995.
*Ebn Rostam Ṭabari, Dalāʾel al-emāma, Qom, 1992, pp. 194-96.
*Ebn Saʿd, al-Ṭabaqāt al-kobrā, ed. E.Abbās, Beirut, 1957-60.
*Ebn Šahrāšub, Manāqeb āl Abi Ṭāleb, Najaf, 1956, III, pp. 207-208, 231, 259, 304 ff.
*Ferdowsi, Šāh-nāma (Moscow), repr. Tehran, 1972.
*Idem, “Abū ʾl-Sarāyā al-Shaybānī,” EI ² I, 1960, pp. 149-50.
*R. G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw It, Princeton, 1997.
*Hussain Karimān, Ray-e bāstān, Tehran, 1966-70.
*Moḥammad b. Yaʿqub Kolayni, al-Oṣul men al-Kāfi, ed. J. Moṣṭafawi, Tehran, n. d., 4 vols., II, pp. 368-69.
*Moḥammad-Bāqer Majlesi, Beḥār al-anwār, Tehran and Qom, 1956-72.
*(Pseudo?) Masʿudi, Eṯbāt al-waṣiyya, Qom, 1996. Šāhroḵ Meskub, Sug-e Siāvaš, Tehran, 1971.
*V. Minorsky and E. Bosworth, “al-Rayy,” EI ² VIII (1995), pp. 471-73.
*Moḥammad b. Yazid Mobarrad, al-Kāmel fi ʾl-loḡa wa ʾl-adab, ed. M. A. Dāli, 3rd ed. in 4 vols., 1997.
*Moḥammad b. Moḥammad [Shaykh] Mofid, al-Eršād, ed. Sayyed Hāšem Rasuli Maḥallāti, Tehran, 1968.
*Nowbakti, Feraq al-šiʿa, ed. H. Ritter, Istanbul, 1931.
*ʿOnṣor-al-Maʿāli Kay Kāus b. Eskandar, Qābus-nāma, ed. Ḡolām-Hussain Yusofi, Tehran, 8th ed., 1996, chap. 27 in fine, pp. 137-38.
*Qoṭb-al-Din Rāvandi, al-Karā’ej wa ʾl-jarā’eḥ, Qom, 1988-89, chap. 15, no. 67, II, pp. 750-51.
*M. Rekaya, “al-Ma’mun,” EI ² VI, 1991, pp. 331-39.
*F. Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography, Leiden, 1952.
*Ṣaffār Qomi, Baṣāʾer al-darajāt, ed. M. Kučabāḡi, Tabriz, 2nd ed., n.d. [ca. 1960].
*Ṭabari, ed. De Goeje, and Ṭabari (Cairo²).
*T. Tafażżoli, Tāriḵ-e adabiyāt-e Irān-e piš az Eslām, ed. Āmuzegār, Tehran, 1997.
*G. Widengren, “The Sacral Kingship of Iran,” in La regalità sacra, Leiden, 1959, pp. 242-57.
*Yaʿqubi, Taʾrikò, repr. Qom, 1994.
*[[Ehsan Yarshater|E. Yarshater]], “Taʿzieh and Pre-Islamic Mourning Rituals in Iran,” in [[Peter J. Chelkowski|P. J. Chelkowsk]]<nowiki/>i, ed., Taʿzieh: Ritual and Drama in Iran, New York, 1979, pp. 70-95.
*Idem, “Iranian National History,” in Camb. Hist. Iran 3(1), Cambridge, 1983, pp. 359-477.
*Idem, “The Persian Presence in the Islamic World,” in R. G. Hovannisian and G. Sabagh, eds., The Persian Presence in the Islamic World, Cambridge, 1998, pp. 4-125

==Source==

*[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/sahrbanu Encyclopaedia Iranica]

[[Category:Individuals]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[Category:Hussain’s Family]]
[[fa:شهربانو]]
[[Category:Wives of Imam Hussain]]

Habib b. Muzahir

2022-02-08T10:33:20Z

Heydari:

{{Infobox companion of Imam (a)
| name = 
| image =
| image size =
| caption =
| Full name = Habib b. Muzahir al-Asadi
| Companion of = [[Ali ibn Abi Talib|Imam Ali]], [[Hasan B. Ali B. Abi Taleb|Imam Hasan]], [[Hussain ibn Ali|Imam al-Hussain]]
| Kunya =
| Epithet =
| Well Known As =
| Religious Affiliation =
| Lineage = Banu Asad
| Well known relatives =
| Birth =
| Place of Birth =
| Place of Residence = [[Kufa]]
| Death/martyrdom= 61/680
| Cause of Death/martyrdom = [[Martyrdom]] in Event of [[Ashura]]
| Burial place = Holy Shrine of [[Imam Hussain]], [[Karbala]], [[Iraq]]
| Professors =
| Students =
| Works =
| Activities = Participating in the Battles of [[Ali ibn Abi Talib|Imam Ali]], One of Shurta al-Khamis, Inviting the tribes of [[Kufa]] to join [[Imam Hussain]]
|Native name=حبیب بن مُظاهر الاسدی}}'''Habib b. Muzahir al-Asadi''' was one of [[Ali ibn Abi Talib|Imam Ali]]'s special companions who was martyred at the age of 75 at the [[Battle of Karbala]] while fighting in [[Imam Hussain]]'s army.

==Biography==
Habib's father's name appears in the early sources in different forms. It is sometimes Muzahir,<ref>Ṭabarī, ''Tārīkh al-umam wa l-mulūk'', vol. 5, p. 352, 355, 416.</ref> sometimes Muzahhar<ref>Balādhurī, ''Ansāb al-ashrāf'', vol. 2, p. 462, 478, 480.</ref> and sometimes, Mutahhar<ref>Ibn Aʿtham, ''al-Futūḥ'', vol. 5, p. 28, 34, 87.</ref>. Habib learnt the whole book of Holy Qur'an by heart and spent every night worshiping God. According to [[Imam Hussain]] he recited the whole Qur'an every night.<ref>Qummī, ''Nafas al-mahmūm'', p. 124.</ref> He was so uninterested in material world and so pious that no matter how much money and security he was offered not to support Hussain, he rejected them all and said, "we will have no excuse to make to the [[Prophet Muhammad|Prophet of God]], if we are alive and the son of the Prophet is oppressed and killed."<ref>Amīn, ''Aʿyān al-Shīʿa'', vol. 4, p. 553.</ref>

==During Prophet Muhammad's Life==
It is not clear whether Habib was one of the [[Prophet]]'s companions or Tabi'un (those who saw the companions, but not the Prophet). Some, like Ibn al-Kalbi<ref>Samāwī, ''Ibṣār al-ʿayn'', p. 126.</ref> and Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani <ref>Ibn Ḥajar al-ʿAsqalānī, ''al-Iṣāba fī tamyīz al-ṣaḥāba'', vol. 2, p. 142.</ref>stated that he had been in the presence of the Prophet but Al-Shaykh al-Tusi<ref>Ṭūsī, ''Rijāl'', p. 60, 93, 100.</ref> implies that Habib was not a companion of the Prophet.

==During Imam Ali's Life==
Habib went to [[Kufa]] with [[Imam Ali]] and fought alongside him in all of his combats. He was considered one of Imam's special companions group called "Shurtat al-Khamis"<ref>Mufīd, ''al-Ikhtiṣāṣ'', p. 2-7.</ref>. Imam Ali bestowed upon him "Ilm al-Balaya wa al-Manaya" (the knowledge of calamities and [time of] deaths). His conversation with Maytham al-Tammar, years before [[Ashura]], about how they will be martyred is one instant of this knowledge.<ref>Samāwī, ''Ibṣār al-ʿayn'', p. 127.</ref>

==During Imam al-Hussain's Life==
After the death of [[Mu'awiya]], Habib and some of the heads of [[Shiʿa|Shi'a]] communities in [[Kufa]], like Sulayman b. Surad, Musayyib b. Najaba and Rifa'a b. Shaddad al-Bajali, refused to swear allegiance to [[Yazid]], and send letters to [[Imam Hussain]] inviting him to lead Kufa in her uprising against [[Umayyad]] Dynasty.<ref>Mufīd, ''al-Irshād'', p. 378.</ref>

When [[Muslim b. Aqil b. Abi Talib|Muslim b. Aqil]] came to [[Kufa]] as the Imam's representative, they rushed to support him. People of Kufa secretly pledged allegiance to Habib and Muslim b. Awsaja as the representative of Muslim b. Aqil. <ref>Amīn, ''Aʿyān al-Shīʿa'', vol. 4, p. 554.</ref>

When [[Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad|Obayd Allah b. Ziad]] came to Kufa, he threatened people and launched a crackdown against allegiance to Muslim b. Aqil; so people abandoned their allegiance to Muslim b. Aqil and left him alone. The tribe of Banu Asad hid Habib and Muslim b. 'Awsaja to protect them against Ibn Ziyad's agents. Habib and Muslim b. 'Awsaja left Kufa to join Imam Hussain. They hid themselves from Obayd Allah b. Ziad's spies and agents, so they moved at nights and hid during days. Eventually, they joined Imam Hussain's camp in [[Karbala]] on [[Muharram]] 7th 61(October 7th 680).<ref>Samāwī, ''Ibṣār al-ʿayn'', p. 128.</ref>

==In The Battle of Karbala==
Upon reaching [[Karbala]], Habib repeats his expression of loyalty to [[Imam Hussain]]. As soon as he observed the great number of Imam's enemies and small number of his companions, Habib asked Imam Huassin to go to a nearby tribe of Banu Asad and to ask them to join Imam. With the permission of Imam, Habib hurried to the tribe and started preaching them and encouraging them to join the Imam. However, [[Omar Ibn Sa’d|Omar b. Sa'd]] stopped the tribe from joining Imam by sending an army to them.<ref>Amīn, ''Aʿyān al-Shīʿa'', vol. 4, p. 554.</ref>

===Evening of Tasu'a===
The day before [[Ashura]], Habib preached to the person who brought a letter from Umar b. Sa'd for Imam Hussain and asked the messenger not to go back to the tyrants. In the evening of [[Tasu’a|Tasu'a]], Habib spoke to enemy's army, which was about to attack the camp of Imam Hussain, and warned them about starting a war by talking about the merits of the Imam and his companions.<ref>Balādhurī, ''Ansāb al-ashrāf'', vol. 2, p. 484.</ref>

===Eve of Ashura===
In the eve of Ashura, Hilal b. Nafi informed Habib of the concerns of [[Zaynab]], the daughter of [[Ali ibn Abi Talib|Imam Ali]], about the loyalty of the companions of Imam. Hilal and Habib gathered the companions of Imam Hussain and they went to Imam Hussain together and informed him that they will support the family of the Prophet to the last drop of their blood.<ref>''Mawsūʿat kalimāt al-Imām al-Ḥusayn (a)'', p. 407-408.</ref>

'''Day of Ashura'''

In the morning of Ashura, Imam Hussain appointed Habib b. Muzahir as the commander of the left wing. He put [[Zuhayr b. al-Qayn|Zuhayr b. Qayn]] on the right wing and [[Abbas B. Ali B. Abu Taleb|Abbas b. Ali]] on the center of the army.<ref>Khwārizmī, ''Maqtal al-Ḥusayn'', vol. 2, p. 7.</ref>

In his speech to the enemy's army, Imam Hussain mentioned his lineage, ancestry, merits and the narration of the Prophet saying "These two ([[Hasan B. Ali B. Abi Taleb|Hasan]] and [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain]]) are [[Masters of the Youth of Paradise|the masters of paradise's youth]]." He even said that there are people among you who have heard the narration from the Prophet himself. Just then, [[Shimr b. Dhi l-Jawshan|Shimr]] cut Imam's speech and said, "May all of my worship for God be in doubt and uncertainty if I knew what you are talking about."

Habib said, "I swear to God that I see you worship Him with 70 doubts and [layers of] uncertainty. I witness that you are right and have no idea what Imam is talking about. Your heart is dark and sealed against the truth."<ref>Mufīd, ''al-Irshād'', p. 450.</ref>

At the beginning of the battle when a warrior from [[Omar Ibn Sa’d|Omar b. Sa'd]]'s army was asking for someone to fight, Habib and [[Burayr b. Khudayr al-Hamdani al-Mishraqi|Burayr]] hurried to fight him but Imam Hussain stopped them.

At noon of Ashura, when [[Abu Thumama al-Sa'idi|Abu Thumama]] reminded Imam of the time of the prayer, Imam told his companions to ask the enemy to stop the war so that they can pray. Hussain b. Numayr (Hussain b. Tamim) said, "Your prayers won't be accepted by God."

"You think that the prayer of Prophet's household will not be accepted" replied Habib, "Your prayers will not be accepted, you drunk!" Then Habib attacked him and hit his horse on the face with the sword. He fell to the ground and his friends came to help and rescue him from Habib's attack.<ref>Qummī, ''Nafas al-mahmūm'', p. 124.</ref>

While Muslim b. Awsaja covered in his own blood was breathing his last breaths, Imam Hussain and Habib came to him and Imam prayed to God to bless his soul. Then Imam read the verse of Qur'an which says, "Among the faithful are men who fulfill what they have pledged to Allah. Of them are some who have fulfilled their pledge, and of them are some who still wait and they have not changed in the least."<ref>Qur'an, 33:23</ref> Then Habib told him, "Your death is very hard for me, but I give you the good news of Paradise." Muslim b. Awsaja in return said with a weak voice, "May God give you good news." Habib said, "If my martyrdom were not close, I would have liked you to tell me your will [so that I executed for you] and by that I have fulfilled my tribal and religious duty toward you." Muslim b. Awsaja pointed to Imam Hussain and told Habib, "My will is to stay with Imam Hussain. May God bless you, keep defending him as long as you are alive, and do not stop supporting him until you are killed." Habib said, "I will execute your will and I will make you happy."<ref>Ibn Ṭāwūs, ''al-Luhūf'', p. 133.</ref>

==Martyrdom==
Despite being very old, Habib killed 62 people of the enemy. Just then, Budayl b. Maryam Aqfani attacked him and hit him on the head with his sword. Another enemy hit him with a spear, causing him to fall off the horse and down to the ground. Then, Budayl b. Maryam beheaded him. Habib had an underage son named Qasim, who killed Budayl after he came of age.<ref>Qummī, ''Nafas al-mahmūm'', p. 124.</ref>

Imam Hussain came to him and said: "I expect from God [the reward of] myself and my supportive companions."<ref>Abī Mikhnaf, ''Waqʿat al-ṭaff'', p. 265.</ref> According to some Maqtals, Imam said, "O Habib! You were a virtuous person who recited the whole Qur'an in one night."<ref>Qummī, ''Nafas al-mahmūm'', p. 124.</ref>

Habib's name is mentioned in the scripture of Ziarat of Imam Hussain in the middle of Sha'ban and other scriptures of Ziarat of Imam Hussain.<ref>Ibn Ṭāwūs, ''Iqbāl al-aʿmāl'', p. 229.</ref>

===Tomb===
When the tribe of Banu Asad were burying the martyrs of Karbala, they buried Habib b. Muzahir, who was one of their elders and trustees, separately and with a distance of 10 meters from Imam Hussain tomb. Later, his tomb was included in Imam al-Hussain's shrine and was located in the southern porch.<ref>Qāʾidān, ''ʿAtabāt-i ʿālīyāt-i Iraq'', p. 122.</ref>

==Source==

*[https://en.wikishia.net/view/Habib_b._Muzahir WikiShia, An online encyclopedia of the school of Ahl al-Bayt]

==References==
<references />

Muslim b. Aqil b. Abi Talib

2022-02-01T10:26:45Z

Heydari:

{{Infobox person
| name = Muslim b. Aqil b. Abi Talib
| image = Shrine of Muslim b. Aqil.jpg
| caption = The Tomb of Muslim b. Aqil next to the Mosque of [[Kufa]]
| birth_date =
|editor=
|publisher=
| birth_place = Medina, Hejaz (now in Saudi Arabia)
| death_date = 60/680
| death_place = [[Kufa]]
| death_cause = Martyred by Ibn Ziad
| resting_place = The Tomb of Muslim b. Aqil next to the Mosque of Kufa
| residence = Medina, Hejaz (now in Saudi Arabia)
| nationality = Hejaz- Hejazi Arab
| title =
|author=
|url=
|access-date=
| successor =
| opponents = Yazid I
| spouse =
| children =
| parents = Aqil b. Abi Talib
| relatives = Muhammad b. Abd Allah (grandfather), [[Ali ibn Abi Talib|Ali b. Abi Talib]] (paternal uncle), [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain b. Ali]] (paternal cousin), [[Hasan B. Ali B. Abi Taleb|Hasan b. Ali]] (paternal cousin)
| family =
| known for =
|native_name=مسلم بن عقیل بن ابی طالب}}
'''Muslim b. Aqil b. Abi Talib''' (d. 60/680) was a leading supporter of [[Hussain ibn Ali|Imam Hussain]]. He was sent to [[Kufa]] as a representative of Imam Hussain in order to measure the extent of Kufan support for the Prophet’s grandson. The aim was to make sure that people of Kufa are truthful in their invitation of the Imam. In a report to the Imam, he confirmed that Kufans were prepared for the Imam's arrival.

Fearful of increasing Kufan supports of Imam Hussain, [[Yazid]] appointed [[Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad]] as the new governor of Kufa to frighten people and force them to leave Muslim. Finally, Muslim was arrested and executed in the day of ‘Arafa. The story of Muslim being left alone and his [[martyrdom]] in Kufa is a recurring theme of [[Rawza]] recited by the Shi'as.
== Birth and Life Events ==
There are unusually large discrepancies in the sources as regards his date of birth: the difference between the extreme figures is more than 30 years. According to one report, he fought in Safar 37/July 657 in the right wing (maymana) of [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|Ali]]’s army at the battle of [https://www.britannica.com/event/Battle-of-Siffin Siffin], together with his cousins [[Hasan]], [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain]] and Abd Allah b. Jaʿfar.<ref>Ibn Aʿtham al-Kufi, K. al-Futuh, Haydarabad 1388-95/1968-75, iii, 32; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib, ii, 352.</ref> The report implies that Muslim was born no later than the early 20s/640s. An even earlier date is suggested by an account that during Omar’s reign Muslim, took part in the conquest of al-Bahnasa [q.v.]<ref>Ps.-Waqidi, Futuh al-Sham , Cairo 1354, ii, 136, 146, 153, 159, 160, 169, 181, 184, 185, 190.</ref>, in the course of which two of his brothers, Jaʿfar and Ali, were killed.<ref>ibid., ii, 177.</ref> He is said to have been appointed as the first Muslim governor of the town, and to have retained this position until Othman’s caliphate, when he returned to Medina, leaving his brothers and sons behind.<ref>ibid., ii, 193.</ref> Other accounts, in contrast, point to a date of birth in the late 30s/650s: according to these accounts, Muslim’s mother, an umm walad of Nabataean origin<ref>cf. Muhammad b. Habib, al-Munammaq , 505.</ref> whose name is variously given as Ulayya, Khalila and Hilya, was bought by Aqil in Syria, with the help of [[Muʿawiya]]. This purchase probably took place after Ali’s assumption of the caliphate (in Dhu ’l-Hijja 35/June 656), which is the time usually given as the beginning of Aqil’s friendship with the Umayyad ruler.
== Departure to Kufa==
Muslim came into prominence, when he was sent to Kufa as Imam Hussain’s personal representative. His task was to measure the extent of Kufan support for the Prophet’s grandson. He set off from Mecca on 15 Ramaḍan 60/19 June 680 in the company of a number of Kufans who had come to al-Hussain with messages of support. His first destination was Medina, where he took leave of his family and hired the services of two Qaysis to guide him on his way. The guides lost their way in the desert and were too weakened by thirst to be able to proceed; they just managed to show Muslim the right direction before they both (or one of them) died. Muslim saw in this a bad omen, and wrote to al-Hussain from al-Madiq asking to be relieved of his mission. Al-Hussain did not approve of this request and ordered him to continue.
== In Kufa==
On 5 Shawwal 60/9 July 680 Muslim reached Kufa. According to most sources, he went first to the house of [[al-Mukhtar b. Abi ʿUbayd al-Thaqafi|al-Mukhtar b. Abi Ubayd al-Thaqafi]] [q.v.], later known as Dar Salim (or Salm or Muslim) b. al-Musayyab.<ref>cf. Muhsin al-Amin, Aʿyan al-Shiʿa , xxxiii, Beirut 1369/1950, 402.</ref> Other accounts<ref>e.g. Muhammad al-Baqir, as reported in al-Tabari, ii, 228.</ref> maintain that Muslim proceeded first to the house of [[Muslim b. Awsaja al-Asadi]].
==The Kufan’s Pledge of Allegiance==
In his place of hiding, he received the oath of allegiance on behalf of al-Hussain; the number of men who gave the oath is put at between 12,000 and over 30,000. Muslim, encouraged by this response, sent a letter to al-Hussain urging him to come. The governor of Kufa, al-Nuʿman b. Bashir [q.v.], was told of Muslim’s arrival but he refused to attack him. Some supporters (or spies) of [[Yazid]], regarding this as a dangerous sign of weakness, wrote to the caliph urging him to send a strong man to deal with the situation. Yazid thereupon had al-Nuʿman replaced by [[Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad]] [q.v.], who was the governor of Basra at the time, and ordered him to have Muslim killed or banished.
==Obayd Allah b. Ziad as the New Governor of Kufa==
When Muslim heard of Obayd Allah’s arrival, he left the house in which he was staying and, under cover of darkness, went to the home of [[Haniʾ b. ʿUrwa al-Muradi|Haniʾ b. Urwa al-Muradi]] [q.v.] Haniʾ, aware that Muslim was a wanted man, was at first reluctant to admit him yet subsequently treated him with all due hospitality. During his stay there, Muslim missed an opportunity to kill Obayd Allah. According to one version, Haniʾ was behind the plot; he feigned sickness, knowing that Obayd Allah would come to visit him, thus providing Muslim with a chance to strike. But at the crucial moment Muslim’s nerves failed him, and Obayd Allah left unscathed.<ref>Ibn ʿAbd Rabbihi, ʿIqd , iv, 378; al-Bayhaqi, Mahasin , 60.</ref> A second version, more complimentary to Muslim, attributes the plot to Sharik b. al-Aʿwar al-Harithi, an ardent supporter of Ali who none the less enjoyed Obayd Allah’s confidence and had arrived with him from Basra. Sharik, who had been taken ill, also stayed at Haniʾ’s home, and his plan similarly called for Muslim to kill Obayd Allah when the governor came to pay him a sick call. Ubayd Allah came, but Muslim remained in the closet in which he was hiding. The reasons given by Muslim for his inaction are said to have been opposition by Haniʾ (or by one of his wives), as well as a Prophetic tradition forbidding the slaying without prior warning of someone who has been given an assurance of safety.<ref>cf. Lane, Lexicon , s.v. f-t-k.</ref> Sharik, who had hoped to deliver Basra to Muslim, died of his illness three days later.
== Searching for Muslim==
Meanwhile, Obayd Allah was making strenuous efforts to discover Muslim’s hideout. He dispatched a mawla of his (called Maʿqil in some sources) with orders to ingratiate himself with al-Hussain’s followers by swearing allegiance to al-Hussain and by donating 3,000 dirhams for the cause. The mawla succeeded in infiltrating the inner circle of followers, finally gaining access to Muslim himself. When he found out where Muslim was staying, Obayd Allah summoned Haniʾ, forced him to admit that he was harboring Muslim, and beat him on the face with an iron-tipped cane. One version has it that Haniʾ died on the spot from these blows. According to more widespread reports, he was badly wounded and then incarcerated in Obayd Allah’s fortress; Haniʾ’s clansmen thought that he had been killed, and the qadi Shurayh was sent to allay their fears.
==Muslim’s Uprising ==
When news of Haniʾ’s arrest reached Muslim, he decided to tarry no longer and to revolt openly. The uprising is dated to 2, 7, 8 or 9 Dhu ’l-Hijja 60/3, 8, 9 or 10 Sept. 680. Muslim is said to have initially disposed of 4,000 men (other numbers are also given); he arranged them in military formation and, placing himself at their head, marched on the governor’s fortress, where Obayd Allah had locked himself with a small band of sympathizers. Although Obayd Allah’s situation seemed desperate, he managed, by a combination of threats and blandishments, to induce many tribal leaders to abandon Muslim.
== Muslim at the House of Tawʿa==
By nightfall Muslim was left with only 30 men, and these too soon disappeared. He wandered despondently in the alleys of Kufa, until he finally found refuge with a woman from Kinda called Tawʿa, whose son Bilal was a mawla of Muhammad b. al-Ashʿath [q.v.]. When Bilal discovered the identity of his mother’s guest, he waited until morning and then notified Ibn al-Ashʿath, who informed Ubayd Allah. Another version has it that the person whom Bilal informed (and who passed on the information) was Ibn al-Ashʿath’s son Abd al-Rahman.<ref>This is one of several deeds for which ʿAbd al-Raḥman earned the title of “the most perfidious of the Arabs”; see Ibn Habib, al- Muhabbar , 244-6.</ref>
==Muslim’s Arrest and Martyrdom ==
Obayd Allah sent Ibn al-Ashʿath (or his son Abd al-Rahman) at the head of 60 (or 70) men to Tawʿa’s house. Muslim, realizing that he was surrounded, came out with his sword in hand and, true to his reputation as a fierce warrior, chased off his attackers, inflicting serious losses on them.<ref>One fanciful report has him kill 41 of them; cf. Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib, iii, 244.</ref> His attackers responded by pelting him from the roof-top of Tawʿa’s house with stones and burning missiles. At this point Ibn al-Ashʿath gave him a guarantee of safety ([[aman]]) and Muslim, wounded and exhausted, gave himself up. Another version has it that Muslim did not trust Ibn al-Ashʿath’s aman and continued fighting until he was finally overcome. According to some accounts, Ibn al-Ashʿath was sincere in his offer but was overruled by Ubayd Allah. Other reports maintain that Ibn al-Ashʿath acted in concert with the governor, and never meant to honor his pledge.

Muslim was brought before Obayd Allah, and the two had a heated exchange. Muslim then received permission to give his final instructions (wasiyya). In most accounts he is said to have chosen for this purpose [[Omar Ibn Sa’d|Omar Ibn Saʿd]] as the only member of his tribe (Quraysh) present. Muslim asked him to send a messenger to al-Hussain to inform him of the treachery of the Kufans and to urge him not to come; he also asked him to pay a debt of his and take his corpse for burial to prevent its being mutilated. In other reports, Muslim is depicted as receiving a promise from Ibn al-Ashʿath (rather than Omar) to inform al-Hussain. Obayd Allah entrusted Muslim’s execution to Bakr b. Humran al-Ahmari, whom Muslim had wounded before being taken prisoner. Bakr led Muslim to the top of the fortress, decapitated him in sight of the populace, and threw down first the head and then the rest of the body. Haniʾ was also executed, and the two bodies were dragged through the market-streets of Kufa. Muslim is said to have been posthumously crucified, and his head was sent to Yazid in Damascus and hoisted on a pole; he was the first [[Hashimite]] to be treated in this fashion.<ref>cf. al- Masʿudi, Muruj , § 1899.</ref> An elegy on the fate of Muslim and Haniʾ which is cited in the sources is variously attributed to al-Farazdaq, to Abd Allah b. al-Zabir al-Asadi and to Sulayman (or Sulaym) b. Salam al-Hanafi. Muslim’s death, which followed his uprising by one day, is said to have coincided with al- Hussain’s departure for ʿIraq.

===Muslim Under Arrest ===
Muhammad bin Ash’as took him to the palace of ʿUbayd Allah bin Ziyad. Muhammad entered therein alone and told him that he had arrested Muslim but had given him the promise of protection too. ʿUbayd Allah replied,

“You do not have the right to do so, rather I had sent you to bring him to me.”

Hearing this Muhammad became silent. When Muslim was seated at the gate of the palace, he saw a jug filled with cold water and asked for some. Muslim bin ‘Amr Bahili said,

“Do you see how cold this water is? By Allah! You will not get even a single drop from this until (Allah’s refuge) you drink the boiling water (Hameem) in hell.”

Muslim asked him as to who he was, to which he replied that,

“I am the one who has recognized the truth while you have abandoned it, I am the one who is a well-wisher of the nation and the Imam while you have desired evil for him, and am obedient to him whereas you have disobeyed him. I am Muslim bin ‘Amr Bahili.”

Muslim replied,

“May your mother weep over you! How cruel, unsympathetic and a harsh are you. O son of Bahila! Verily you are more worthy than me to taste the boiling water (Hameem) and abide eternally in hell.”

Then Ammarah bin Atbah called for water to give it to him.

In Irshad and Kamil of Ibn Aseer it is narrated, that ‘Amr bin Hurays sent his retainer to fetch water. The retainer returned with a jar of water along with a napkin and a cup, and gave the water to Muslim to drink. (Kamil) When Muslim took the cup to drink water, it became full with his blood thus he could not partake it. Thrice the cup was filled with water, and when water was filled for the third time, his front teeth fell in it. Muslim said,

“Praise be to Allah! If this water would had been destined for me, I could have drunk it.”

Muslim was then taken to the presence of ʿUbayd Allah bin Ziyad and he did not greet him. A guard told him, “Why do you not greet the commander”?

Muslim replied,

“Why should I greet him when he desires to kill me, and if he does not desire my death, then I have abundant greetings for him.”

ʿUbayd Allah said, “By my life! You shall surely die.” Muslim said, “So be it”? To which ʿUbayd Allah answered in the affirmative. Then Muslim said, “If this is the case then give me respite so that I may will to someone among my kinsmen”, to which ʿUbayd Allah agreed. Muslim turned towards Umar bin Sa’ad and said, “There exists kinship between us, I desire that I may relate to you something in confidence.” Umar refused to yield, to which ʿUbayd Allah said, “Do not refuse to fulfill the desire of your cousin”. Hearing this Umar stood up (Irshad) and sat with Muslim at a place where ʿUbayd Allah could see them. (Kamil)

Muslim said,

“I have become indebted in Kufa for a sum of seven hundred dirhams, so please pay it off by selling the property of mine which is in Madina.” (Kamil) “And take my corpse after my death from ʿUbayd Allah and bury it. Besides send someone to Imam Hussain (a.s.) who would return him.”

Umar went to ʿUbayd Allah and revealed whatever Muslim had told him. ʿUbayd Allah said,

“A trustworthy man does not commit treachery, but sometimes a traitor fulfils a trust. As regards his (Muslim’s) wealth, do whatever you desire to do with it. And as for Hussain, if he does intend towards us, we will not intend towards him. But if he challenges us, we shall not refrain ourselves from (harming) him. Regarding his corpse, we shall certainly not accept your intervention in that matter.”

While others quote him saying that,

“As regards his corpse, after we have killed him it is not our concern, you may do what you desire with it.”

Then he turned towards Muslim and said,

“O son of Aqeel! The people were unified and in accordance with one another, but you came and divided them and created discord.”

Muslim replied,

“It is not so, but the people of this town are of the opinion that your father (Ziyad) killed many of their virtuous men. He shed their blood and followed the footsteps of the Choesroes (the rulers of ancient Persia) and Caesers (the rulers of ancient Rome). We have come to enjoin justice and invite towards the Holy Book and Traditions (of the Prophet).”

ʿUbayd Allah said,

“O transgressor! What relation you hold with these? And why did you not do that among the people, while you were busy drinking wine (Allah’s refuge) in Madina”?

Muslim replied,

“Did I drink wine? By Allah! He knows that you are not speaking the truth, nor am I similar to what you have ascribed to me. While drinking wine is a practice of those (referring to ʿUbayd Allah and his father Ziyad) who in rage and enmity spill the blood of the Muslims, and who rejoices and delights as if he has never ever committed any indecency (referred to Yazid).”

ʿUbayd Allah was infuriated and said,

“May Allah kill me if I do not kill you in a manner as no one else has ever been killed in Islam.”

Muslim replied,

“It is befitting you that you introduce such innovations in Islam which have never taken place. You are an evil murderer, wicked chastiser, ill natured, and a degraded person than all those who preceded you.”

Then ʿUbayd Allah started abusing him, Imam Hussain, Imam Ali and Hazrat Aqeel while Muslim did not speak to him.

===Historical Sources Narrating Muslim’s Martyrdom===
Mas’oodi says that when their speech concluded and Muslim spoke harshly to ʿUbayd Allah, he ordered that Muslim should be taken to the roof of the palace and it was said to Bukayr bin Humran Ahmari to behead him and take his revenge.

Jazari says that Muslim told Muhammad bin Ash’as,

“By Allah! I would never have surrendered if you had not given me the promise of protection. Then defend me with your sword for your promise has been broken.”

Then they took him on top of the palace when he was asking forgiveness from Allah and praising and glorifying Him. Then they took him to the place overlooking the shoe-makers and severed his blessed head which fell down.

(May Allah’s Mercy and Blessings be upon him). His murderer was Bukayr bin Humran, whom Muslim had previously wounded. Then his body too was thrown down. When Bukayr came down, ʿUbayd Allah asked him, “What was Muslim uttering when you took him to the roof”?.

He replied that,

“Muslim was glorifying Allah and seeking His forgiveness.”

When I intended to kill him, I told him to come near and then I said:

“Praise be to Allah who has given me an upper hand over you and thus I have taken the revenge from you.”

Then I struck a blow, which went waste. Then Muslim said:

“O slave! Haven’t you taken your revenge by inflicting this wound upon me”?

ʿUbayd Allah said,

“Such dignity even at the verge of death”?

Bukayr said,

“Then I struck him a second blow and killed him.”

Tabari says that Muslim was taken on the roof of the palace and his neck was severed and body thrown down to the people. An order was issued that his corpse be taken to that place where garbage is thrown and to be hanged there.

==Imam Hussain departs for Kufa==
Al-Hussain was at [[Zubala]] (or [[Al-Thaʿlabiyya|Thaʿlabiyya]], or [[Zarud]], or [[Sharaf]]) when he received news of the tragedy. Shi’i authors maintain that al-Hussain gave his entourage the option of withdrawing and that members of Muslim’s family were among those who chose to stay with him to the end. The lists of those killed at Karbala do indeed include Muslim’s brothers Abd Allah, Abd al-Rahman and Jaʿfar; some say that in all five brothers died on the battlefield.<ref>Ibn Maʿsum al-Shirazi, al-Darajat al-rafiʿa , Najaf 1382/1962, 165.</ref> Abd Allah, a son of Muslim from his marriage to Ali’s daughter [[Ruqayya]], was also reportedly killed in the battle; some sources refer to two sons who perished there.<ref>e.g. al-Safadi, al-Wafi , xii, ed. Ramadan ʿAbd al-Tawwab, Wiesbaden 1399/1979, 426.</ref> Two other sons (sometimes identified as Muhammad and Ibrahim) are said to have escaped from Obayd Allah’s camp a year after Karbala only to be brutally murdered by a Kufan who expected to be rewarded by Obayd Allah (but who was beheaded instead).<ref>Ibn Babawayh, Amali , Najaf 1389/1970, 73-9.</ref> Their story, like that of their father, is re-enacted in the annual [[taʿziya]] plays.<ref>Pelly, The Miracle play, i, 190-206.</ref> In some versions of these plays, the two sons are said to have been decapitated at the same time as their father<ref>e.g. Metin And, The Muharram observances in Anatolian Turkey , in [[Peter J. Chelkowski|P.J. Chelkowski]] (ed.), Taʿziyeh : ritual and drama in Iran , New York 1979, 251.</ref>; and the text accompanying several pictorial renderings of this event identifies their executioner as al- Harith b. Badr.<ref>R. Milstein, Miniature painting, 101, 102, 104.</ref>
==Legacy==
Although Muslim did not die at Karbala, he is counted among its martyrs<ref>cf. al-Tabari, ii, 387.</ref>, and is even referred to as the first shahid.<ref>al-Majlisi, Biḥar al-anwar , c, 428.</ref> The Shiʿis recommend visiting his grave in Kufa, and the text is preserved of a number of prayers to be recited there.<ref>ibid., 426-9.</ref>
==References==
{{reflist|30em}}
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*Masʿūdī, Murūd̲j̲, ed. Pellat, index

*Abu ’l-Farad̲j̲ al-Iṣfahānī, Maḳātil al-Ṭālibiyyīn, ed. Aḥmad Ṣaḳr, Beirut n.d., 80, 95-110

*al-Mufīd, al-Irs̲h̲ād, Beirut 1399/1979, 200, 204-23, 249, tr. I.K. Howard, London 1981, 299, 305-33, 373

*idem, al-Ik̲h̲tiṣāṣ, Nad̲j̲af 1390/1971, 78

*al-S̲h̲arīf al-Murtaḍā, Amālī, ed. Muḥammad Abu ’l-Faḍl Ibrāhīm, 2nd ed., Beirut 1387/1967, i, 276

*Ibn Ḥazm, D̲j̲amharat ansāb al-ʿarab, ed. Abd al-Salām Muḥammad Hārūn, Cairo 1382/1962, 69, 406

*Ibn al-Arabī, al-ʿAwāṣim min al-ḳawāṣim, D̲j̲udda 1378, 229-31

*Ṭabrisī (Ṭabarsī), Iʿlām al-warā, Nad̲j̲af 1390/1970, 204, 223-30, 238, 255

*Ibn ʿAsākir, al-Taʾrīk̲h̲ al-kabīr, iv, Damascus 1332, 332 = Taʾrīk̲h̲ ¶ Madīnat Dimas̲h̲ḳ, facs. ed. Cairo n.d. [1989], v, 68

*Ibn S̲h̲ahrās̲h̲ūb, Manāḳib āl Abī Ṭālib, Nad̲j̲af 1956, iii, 241-5, 259

*Ibn al-At̲h̲īr, al-Kāmil, iv, Beirut 1385/1965, 21-2, 25-36, 42-3

* Ibn Namā al-Ḥillī, Mut̲h̲īr al-aḥzān, Nad̲j̲af 1369/1950, 16, 20-26, 32, 50

*Ibn Ṭāwūs, Miṣbāḥ al-zāʾir, ms. Marʿas̲h̲ī, 69-72 idem, al-Luhūf ʿalā ḳatlā ’l-Ṭufūf, Tehran 1348 S̲h̲, 26, 36-8, 45-60, 73-5, 91

*Ibn al-ʿIbrī, Muk̲h̲taṣar taʾrīk̲h̲ al-duwal, Beirut n.d. [1978-9], 110

*Ibn al-Ṭiḳṭaḳā, al-Fak̲h̲rī, ed. H. Derenbourg, Paris 1895, 159-60

* Nuwayrī, Nihāyat al-arab, xx, Cairo 1395/1975, 387-8, 391-405, 413-5, 462, xxi, Cairo 1396/1976, 7

*D̲h̲ahabī, Taʾrīk̲h̲ al-Islām, ii, Cairo 1368, 316 idem, Siyar aʿlām al-nubalāʾ, iii, Cairo 1962, 206-8, 217

*Ibn Kat̲h̲īr, Bidāya, Cairo 1351-8/1932-9, viii, 152-9

*Ibn ʿInaba, ʿUmdat al-ṭālib fī ansāb āl Abī Ṭālib, Beirut 1390, 29

*Ṭurayḥī, al-Muntak̲h̲ab, Beirut n.d., 37, 372, 380-5, 421-9, 434, 437-8

*Mad̲j̲lisī, Biḥār al-anwār, Tehran 1956-74, xlii, 116-7, xliv, 334-7, 341-63, 369-70, 373-4, xlv, 32-3, 68, 96-8, 100-5

*S̲h̲abland̲j̲ī, Nūr al-abṣār fī manāḳib āl al-nabī al-muk̲h̲tār, Cairo 1399/1979, 142-4

*D̲j̲aʿfar al-Tustarī, al-K̲h̲aṣāʾiṣ al-ḥusayniyya, Nad̲j̲af 1375/1956, 124-5

* L, Pelly, The Miracle play of Ḥasan and Ḥusayn, i, London 1879, 171-206

*F. Wüstenfeld, Der Tod des Ḥusein ben Alī, Göttingen 1883, 24-6, 30-46

*H. Lammens, Le califat de Yazīd I , Beirut 1921, 136-45, 150-1

*D.M. Donaldson, The Shīʿite religion, London 1933, 80-5

*Muḥsin al-Amīn, Aʿyān al-S̲h̲īʿa, iv/1, Beirut 1367/1948, 191-4, 199-210, 216, 221-3 idem, Miftāḥ al-d̲j̲annāt, Beirut n.d., ii, 90-3

*ʿAbbās Ḳummī, Tuḥfat al-aḥbāb, Tehran 1369, 359-60 idem, Nafas al-mahmūm, Ḳumm 1405, 82-7, 92-162

*Muḥammad ʿAlī Ābidīn, Mabʿūt̲h̲ al-Ḥusayn, Ḳumm n.d.

*ʿAbd al-Razzāḳ al-Mūsawī al-Muḳarram, al-S̲h̲ahīd Muslim b. ʿAḳīl, Nad̲j̲af 1369/1950

*Parviz Mamnoun, Taʿzija: Schiʿitisch-Persisches Passionsspiel, Vienna 1967, 7, 30, 72-3, 127, 130

*J. Wellhausen, The Religio-political factions in early Islam, tr. Ostle and Walzer, Amsterdam and New York 1975, 105-9

*Mahmoud Ayoub, Redemptive suffering in Islām, The Hague 1978, 99-102 and index
*S.H.M. Jafri, The origins and early development of Shiʿa Islam, London and New York 1979, index
* Ibrāhīm al-Mūsawī al-Zand̲j̲ānī, D̲j̲awla fi ’l-amākin al-muḳaddasa, Beirut 1405/1985, 203-7
*R. Milstein, Miniature painting in Ottoman Baghdad, Costa Mesa 1990, 25-7, 101-6.

==Source==

*[https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-2/muslim-b-akil-b-abi-talib-SIM_5596?s.num=637&s.start=620 Brill website]
*[http://alhassanain.org/Nafasul%20Mahmum%3B%20Relating%20to%20the%20heart%20rending%20tragedy%20of%20Karbala/Nafasul_Mahmum%3B_Relating_to_the_heart_rending_tragedy_of_Karbala_html/nafasul_mahmum.htm Shaykh 'Abbas Qummi , Nafasul Mahmum; Relating to the heart rending tragedy of Karbala']

[[Category: Karbala Martyrs]]
[[Category: Battle of Karbala]]
[[Category: Hussain’s Followers]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[fa:مسلم بن عقیل]]

Muslim b. Aqil b. Abi Talib

2022-01-31T06:28:44Z

Heydari:

{{Infobox person
| name = Muslim b. Aqil b. Abi Talib
| image = Shrine of Muslim b. Aqil.jpg
| caption = The Tomb of Muslim b. Aqil next to the Mosque of [[Kufa]]
| birth_date =
|editor=
|publisher=
| birth_place = Medina, Hejaz (now in Saudi Arabia)
| death_date = 60/680
| death_place = [[Kufa]]
| death_cause = Martyred by Ibn Ziad
| resting_place = The Tomb of Muslim b. Aqil next to the Mosque of Kufa
| residence = Medina, Hejaz (now in Saudi Arabia)
| nationality = Hejaz- Hejazi Arab
| title =
|author=
|url=
|access-date=
| successor =
| opponents = Yazid I
| spouse =
| children =
| parents = Aqil b. Abi Talib
| relatives = Muhammad b. Abd Allah (grandfather), [[Ali ibn Abi Talib|Ali b. Abi Talib]] (paternal uncle), [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain b. Ali]] (paternal cousin), [[Hasan B. Ali B. Abi Taleb|Hasan b. Ali]] (paternal cousin)
| family =
| known for =
|native_name=مسلم بن عقیل بن ابی طالب}}
'''Muslim b. Aqil b. Abi Talib''' (d. 60/680) was a leading supporter of [[Hussain ibn Ali|Imam Hussain]]. He was sent to [[Kufa]] as a representative of Imam Hussain in order to measure the extent of Kufan support for the Prophet’s grandson. The aim was to make sure that people of Kufa are truthful in their invitation of the Imam. In a report to the Imam, he confirmed that Kufans were prepared for the Imam's arrival.

Fearful of increasing Kufan supports of Imam Hussain, [[Yazid]] appointed [[Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad]] as the new governor of Kufa to frighten people and force them to leave Muslim. Finally, Muslim was arrested and executed in the day of ‘Arafa. The story of Muslim being left alone and his [[martyrdom]] in Kufa is a recurring theme of [[Rawza]] recited by the Shi'as.
== Birth and Life Events ==
There are unusually large discrepancies in the sources as regards his date of birth: the difference between the extreme figures is more than 30 years. According to one report, he fought in Safar 37/July 657 in the right wing (maymana) of [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|Ali]]’s army at the battle of [https://www.britannica.com/event/Battle-of-Siffin Siffin], together with his cousins [[Hasan]], [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain]] and Abd Allah b. Jaʿfar.<ref>Ibn Aʿtham al-Kufi, K. al-Futuh, Haydarabad 1388-95/1968-75, iii, 32; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib, ii, 352.</ref> The report implies that Muslim was born no later than the early 20s/640s. An even earlier date is suggested by an account that during Omar’s reign Muslim, took part in the conquest of al-Bahnasa [q.v.]<ref>Ps.-Waqidi, Futuh al-Sham , Cairo 1354, ii, 136, 146, 153, 159, 160, 169, 181, 184, 185, 190.</ref>, in the course of which two of his brothers, Jaʿfar and Ali, were killed.<ref>ibid., ii, 177.</ref> He is said to have been appointed as the first Muslim governor of the town, and to have retained this position until Othman’s caliphate, when he returned to Medina, leaving his brothers and sons behind.<ref>ibid., ii, 193.</ref> Other accounts, in contrast, point to a date of birth in the late 30s/650s: according to these accounts, Muslim’s mother, an umm walad of Nabataean origin<ref>cf. Muhammad b. Habib, al-Munammaq , 505.</ref> whose name is variously given as Ulayya, Khalila and Hilya, was bought by Aqil in Syria, with the help of [[Muʿawiya]]. This purchase probably took place after Ali’s assumption of the caliphate (in Dhu ’l-Hijja 35/June 656), which is the time usually given as the beginning of Aqil’s friendship with the Umayyad ruler.
== Departure to Kufa==
Muslim came into prominence, when he was sent to Kufa as Imam Hussain’s personal representative. His task was to measure the extent of Kufan support for the Prophet’s grandson. He set off from Mecca on 15 Ramaḍan 60/19 June 680 in the company of a number of Kufans who had come to al-Hussain with messages of support. His first destination was Medina, where he took leave of his family and hired the services of two Qaysis to guide him on his way. The guides lost their way in the desert and were too weakened by thirst to be able to proceed; they just managed to show Muslim the right direction before they both (or one of them) died. Muslim saw in this a bad omen, and wrote to al-Hussain from al-Madiq asking to be relieved of his mission. Al-Hussain did not approve of this request and ordered him to continue.
== In Kufa==
On 5 Shawwal 60/9 July 680 Muslim reached Kufa. According to most sources, he went first to the house of [[al-Mukhtar b. Abi ʿUbayd al-Thaqafi|al-Mukhtar b. Abi Ubayd al-Thaqafi]] [q.v.], later known as Dar Salim (or Salm or Muslim) b. al-Musayyab.<ref>cf. Muhsin al-Amin, Aʿyan al-Shiʿa , xxxiii, Beirut 1369/1950, 402.</ref> Other accounts<ref>e.g. Muhammad al-Baqir, as reported in al-Tabari, ii, 228.</ref> maintain that Muslim proceeded first to the house of [[Muslim b. Awsaja al-Asadi]].
==The Kufan’s Pledge of Allegiance==
In his place of hiding, he received the oath of allegiance on behalf of al-Hussain; the number of men who gave the oath is put at between 12,000 and over 30,000. Muslim, encouraged by this response, sent a letter to al-Hussain urging him to come. The governor of Kufa, al-Nuʿman b. Bashir [q.v.], was told of Muslim’s arrival but refused to attack him. Some supporters (or spies) of [[Yazid]], regarding this as a dangerous sign of weakness, wrote to the caliph urging him to send a strong man to deal with the situation. Yazid thereupon had al-Nuʿman replaced by [[Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad]] [q.v.], then already governor of Basra, and ordered him to have Muslim killed or banished.
==Obayd Allah b. Ziad as the New Governor of Kufa==
When Muslim heard of Obayd Allah’s arrival, he left the house in which he was staying and, under cover of darkness, went to the home of [[Haniʾ b. ʿUrwa al-Muradi|Haniʾ b. Urwa al-Muradi]] [q.v.] Haniʾ, aware that Muslim was a wanted man, was at first reluctant to admit him yet subsequently treated him with all due hospitality. During his stay there, Muslim missed an opportunity to kill Obayd Allah. According to one version, Haniʾ was behind the plot; he feigned sickness, knowing that Obayd Allah would come to visit him, thus providing Muslim with a chance to strike. But at the crucial moment Muslim’s nerves failed him, and Obayd Allah left unscathed.<ref>Ibn ʿAbd Rabbihi, ʿIqd , iv, 378; al-Bayhaqi, Mahasin , 60.</ref> A second version, more complimentary to Muslim, attributes the plot to Sharik b. al-Aʿwar al-Harithi, an ardent supporter of Ali who none the less enjoyed Obayd Allah’s confidence and had arrived with him from Basra. Sharik, who had been taken ill, also stayed at Haniʾ’s home, and his plan similarly called for Muslim to kill Obayd Allah when the governor came to pay him a sick call. Ubayd Allah came, but Muslim remained in the closet in which he was hiding. The reasons given by Muslim for his inaction are said to have been opposition by Haniʾ (or by one of his wives), as well as a Prophetic tradition forbidding the slaying without prior warning of someone who has been given an assurance of safety.<ref>cf. Lane, Lexicon , s.v. f-t-k.</ref> Sharik, who had hoped to deliver Basra to Muslim, died of his illness three days later.
== Searching for Muslim==
Meanwhile, Obayd Allah was making strenuous efforts to discover Muslim’s hideout. He dispatched a mawla of his (called Maʿqil in some sources) with orders to ingratiate himself with al-Hussain’s followers by swearing allegiance to al-Hussain and by donating 3,000 dirhams for the cause. The mawla succeeded in infiltrating the inner circle of followers, finally gaining access to Muslim himself. When he found out where Muslim was staying, Obayd Allah summoned Haniʾ, forced him to admit that he was harboring Muslim, and beat him on the face with an iron-tipped cane. One version has it that Haniʾ died on the spot from these blows. According to more widespread reports, he was badly wounded and then incarcerated in Obayd Allah’s fortress; Haniʾ’s clansmen thought that he had been killed, and the qadi Shurayh was sent to allay their fears.
==Muslim’s Uprising ==
When news of Haniʾ’s arrest reached Muslim, he decided to tarry no longer and to revolt openly. The uprising is dated to 2, 7, 8 or 9 Dhu ’l-Hijja 60/3, 8, 9 or 10 Sept. 680. Muslim is said to have initially disposed of 4,000 men (other numbers are also given); he arranged them in military formation and, placing himself at their head, marched on the governor’s fortress, where Obayd Allah had locked himself with a small band of sympathizers. Although Obayd Allah’s situation seemed desperate, he managed, by a combination of threats and blandishments, to induce many tribal leaders to abandon Muslim.
== Muslim at the House of Tawʿa==
By nightfall Muslim was left with only 30 men, and these too soon disappeared. He wandered despondently in the alleys of Kufa, until he finally found refuge with a woman from Kinda called Tawʿa, whose son Bilal was a mawla of Muhammad b. al-Ashʿath [q.v.]. When Bilal discovered the identity of his mother’s guest, he waited until morning and then notified Ibn al-Ashʿath, who in turn informed Ubayd Allah. Another version has it that the person whom Bilal informed (and who passed on the information) was Ibn al-Ashʿath’s son Abd al-Rahman.<ref>This is one of several deeds for which ʿAbd al-Raḥman earned the title of “the most perfidious of the Arabs”; see Ibn Habib, al- Muhabbar , 244-6.</ref>
==Muslim’s Arrest and Martyrdom ==
Obayd Allah sent Ibn al-Ashʿath (or his son Abd al-Rahman) at the head of 60 (or 70) men to Tawʿa’s house. Muslim, realizing that he was surrounded, came out with his sword in hand and, true to his reputation as a fierce warrior, chased off his attackers, inflicting serious losses on them.<ref>One fanciful report has him kill 41 of them; cf. Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib, iii, 244.</ref> His attackers responded by pelting him from the roof-top of Tawʿa’s house with stones and burning missiles. At this point Ibn al-Ashʿath gave him a guarantee of safety ([[aman]]) and Muslim, wounded and exhausted, gave himself up. Another version has it that Muslim did not trust Ibn al-Ashʿath’s aman and continued fighting until he was finally overcome. According to some accounts, Ibn al-Ashʿath was sincere in his offer but was overruled by Ubayd Allah. Other reports maintain that Ibn al-Ashʿath acted in concert with the governor, and never meant to honor his pledge.

Muslim was brought before Obayd Allah, and the two had a heated exchange. Muslim then received permission to give his final instructions (wasiyya). In most accounts he is said to have chosen for this purpose [[Omar Ibn Sa’d|Omar Ibn Saʿd]] as the only member of his tribe (Quraysh) present. Muslim asked him to send a messenger to al-Hussain to inform him of the treachery of the Kufans and to urge him not to come; he also asked him to pay a debt of his and take his corpse for burial to prevent its being mutilated. In other reports, Muslim is depicted as receiving a promise from Ibn al-Ashʿath (rather than Omar) to inform al-Hussain. Obayd Allah entrusted Muslim’s execution to Bakr b. Humran al-Ahmari, whom Muslim had wounded before being taken prisoner. Bakr led Muslim to the top of the fortress, decapitated him in sight of the populace, and threw down first the head and then the rest of the body. Haniʾ was also executed, and the two bodies were dragged through the market-streets of Kufa. Muslim is said to have been posthumously crucified, and his head was sent to Yazid in Damascus and hoisted on a pole; he was the first [[Hashimite]] to be treated in this fashion.<ref>cf. al- Masʿudi, Muruj , § 1899.</ref> An elegy on the fate of Muslim and Haniʾ which is cited in the sources is variously attributed to al-Farazdaq, to Abd Allah b. al-Zabir al-Asadi and to Sulayman (or Sulaym) b. Salam al-Hanafi. Muslim’s death, which followed his uprising by one day, is said to have coincided with al- Hussain’s departure for ʿIraq.

===Muslim Under Arrest ===
Muhammad bin Ash’as took him to the palace of ʿUbayd Allah bin Ziyad. Muhammad entered therein alone and told him that he had arrested Muslim but had given him the promise of protection too. ʿUbayd Allah replied,

“You do not have the right to do so, rather I had sent you to bring him to me.”

Hearing this Muhammad became silent. When Muslim was seated at the gate of the palace, he saw a jug filled with cold water and asked for some. Muslim bin ‘Amr Bahili said,

“Do you see how cold this water is? By Allah! You will not get even a single drop from this until (Allah’s refuge) you drink the boiling water (Hameem) in hell.”

Muslim asked him as to who he was, to which he replied that,

“I am the one who has recognized the truth while you have abandoned it, I am the one who is a well-wisher of the nation and the Imam while you have desired evil for him, and am obedient to him whereas you have disobeyed him. I am Muslim bin ‘Amr Bahili.”

Muslim replied,

“May your mother weep over you! How cruel, unsympathetic and a harsh man are you. O son of Bahila! Verily you are more worthy than me to taste the boiling water (Hameem) and abide eternally in hell.”

Then Ammarah bin Atbah called for water to give it to him.

In Irshad and Kamil of Ibn Aseer it is narrated, that ‘Amr bin Hurays sent his retainer to fetch water. The retainer returned with a jar of water along with a napkin and a cup, and gave the water to Muslim to drink. (Kamil) When Muslim took the cup to drink water, it became full with his blood thus he could not partake it. Thrice the cup was filled with water, and when water was filled for the third time, his front teeth fell in it. Muslim said,

“Praise be to Allah! If this water would had been destined for me, I could have drank it.”

Muslim was then taken to the presence of ʿUbayd Allah bin Ziyad and he did not greet him. A guard told him, “Why do you not greet the commander”?

Muslim replied,

“Why should I greet him when he desires to kill me, and if he does not desire my death, then I have abundant greetings for him.”

ʿUbayd Allah said, “By my life! You shall surely die.” Muslim said, “So be it”? To which ʿUbayd Allah answered in the affirmative. Then Muslim said, “If this is the case then give me respite so that I may will to someone among my kinsmen”, to which ʿUbayd Allah agreed. Muslim turned towards Umar bin Sa’ad and said, “There exists kinship between us, I desire that I may relate to you something in confidence.” Umar refused to yield, to which ʿUbayd Allah said, “Do not refuse to fulfill the desire of your cousin”. Hearing this Umar stood up (Irshad) and sat with Muslim at a place where ʿUbayd Allah could see them. (Kamil)

Muslim said,

“I have become indebted in Kufa for a sum of seven hundred dirhams, so please pay it off by selling the property of mine which is in Madina.” (Kamil) “And take my corpse after my death from ʿUbayd Allah and bury it. Besides send someone to Imam Hussain (a.s.) who would return him back.”

Umar went to ʿUbayd Allah and revealed whatever Muslim had told him. ʿUbayd Allah said,

“A trustworthy man does not commit treachery, but sometimes a traitor fulfils a trust. As regards his (Muslim’s) wealth, do whatever you desire to do with it. And as for Hussain, if he does intend towards us, we will not intend towards him. But if he challenges us, we shall not refrain ourselves from (harming) him. Regarding his corpse, we shall certainly not accept your intervention in that matter.”

While others quote him saying that,

“As regards his corpse, after we have killed him it is not our concern, you may do what you desire with it.”

Then he turned towards Muslim and said,

“O son of Aqeel! The people were unified and in accordance with one another, but you came and divided them and created discord.”

Muslim replied,

“It is not so, but the people of this town are of the opinion that your father (Ziyad) killed many of their virtuous men. He shed their blood and followed the footsteps of the Choesroes (the rulers of ancient Persia) and Caesers (the rulers of ancient Rome). We have come to enjoin justice and invite towards the Holy Book and Traditions (of the Prophet).”

ʿUbayd Allah said,

“O transgressor! What relation you hold with these? And why did you not do that among the people, while you were busy drinking wine (Allah’s refuge) in Madina”?

Muslim replied,

“Did I drink wine? By Allah! He knows that you are not speaking the truth, nor am I similar to what you have ascribed to me. While drinking wine is a practice of those (referring to ʿUbayd Allah and his father Ziyad) who in rage and enmity spill the blood of the Muslims, and who rejoices and delights as if he has never ever committed any indecency (referred to Yazid).”

ʿUbayd Allah was infuriated and said,

“May Allah kill me if I do not kill you in a manner as no one else has ever been killed in Islam.”

Muslim replied,

“It is befitting you that you introduce such innovations in Islam which have never taken place. You are an evil murderer, wicked chastiser, ill natured, and a degraded person than all those who preceded you.”

Then ʿUbayd Allah started abusing him, Imam Hussain, Imam Ali and Hazrat Aqeel while Muslim did not speak to him.

===Historical Sources Narrating Muslim’s Martyrdom===
Mas’oodi says that when their speech concluded and Muslim spoke harshly to ʿUbayd Allah, he ordered that Muslim should be taken to the roof of the palace and it was said to Bukayr bin Humran Ahmari to behead him and take his revenge.

Jazari says that Muslim told Muhammad bin Ash’as,

“By Allah! I would never have surrendered if you had not given me the promise of protection. Then defend me with your sword for your promise has been broken.”

Then they took him on top of the palace when he was asking forgiveness from Allah and praising and glorifying Him. Then they took him to the place overlooking the shoe-makers and severed his blessed head which fell down.

(May Allah’s Mercy and Blessings be upon him). His murderer was Bukayr bin Humran, whom Muslim had previously wounded. Then his body too was thrown down. When Bukayr came down, ʿUbayd Allah asked him, “What was Muslim uttering when you took him to the roof”?.

He replied that,

“Muslim was glorifying Allah and seeking His forgiveness.”

When I intended to kill him, I told him to come near and then I said:

“Praise be to Allah who has given me an upper hand over you and thus I have taken the revenge from you.”

Then I struck a blow, which went waste. Then Muslim said:

“O slave! Haven’t you taken your revenge by inflicting this wound upon me”?

ʿUbayd Allah said,

“Such dignity even at the verge of death”?

Bukayr said,

“Then I struck him a second blow and killed him.”

Tabari says that Muslim was taken on the roof of the palace and his neck was severed and body thrown down to the people. An order was issued that his corpse be taken to that place where garbage is thrown and to be hanged there.

==Imam Hussain departs for Kufa==
Al-Hussain was at [[Zubala]] (or [[Al-Thaʿlabiyya|Thaʿlabiyya]], or [[Zarud]], or [[Sharaf]]) when he received news of the tragedy. Shi’i authors maintain that al-Hussain gave his entourage the option of withdrawing and that members of Muslim’s family were among those who chose to stay with him to the end. The lists of those killed at Karbala do indeed include Muslim’s brothers Abd Allah, Abd al-Rahman and Jaʿfar; some say that in all five brothers died on the battlefield.<ref>Ibn Maʿsum al-Shirazi, al-Darajat al-rafiʿa , Najaf 1382/1962, 165.</ref> Abd Allah, a son of Muslim from his marriage to Ali’s daughter [[Ruqayya]], was also reportedly killed in the battle; some sources refer to two sons who perished there.<ref>e.g. al-Safadi, al-Wafi , xii, ed. Ramadan ʿAbd al-Tawwab, Wiesbaden 1399/1979, 426.</ref> Two other sons (sometimes identified as Muhammad and Ibrahim) are said to have escaped from Obayd Allah’s camp a year after Karbala only to be brutally murdered by a Kufan who expected to be rewarded by Obayd Allah (but who was beheaded instead).<ref>Ibn Babawayh, Amali , Najaf 1389/1970, 73-9.</ref> Their story, like that of their father, is re-enacted in the annual [[taʿziya]] plays.<ref>Pelly, The Miracle play, i, 190-206.</ref> In some versions of these plays, the two sons are said to have been decapitated at the same time as their father<ref>e.g. Metin And, The Muharram observances in Anatolian Turkey , in [[Peter J. Chelkowski|P.J. Chelkowski]] (ed.), Taʿziyeh : ritual and drama in Iran , New York 1979, 251.</ref>; and the text accompanying several pictorial renderings of this event identifies their executioner as al- Harith b. Badr.<ref>R. Milstein, Miniature painting, 101, 102, 104.</ref>
==Legacy==
Although Muslim did not die at Karbala, he is counted among its martyrs<ref>cf. al-Tabari, ii, 387.</ref>, and is even referred to as the first shahid.<ref>al-Majlisi, Biḥar al-anwar , c, 428.</ref> The Shiʿis recommend visiting his grave in Kufa, and the text is preserved of a number of prayers to be recited there.<ref>ibid., 426-9.</ref>
==References==
{{reflist|30em}}
==Bibliography ==

*Ibn Saʿd, Ṭabaḳāt, ed. Beirut, iv, 42, ed. Turāt̲h̲unā, iii/1 (1408), 173-7, 185

* Muṣʿab b. Abd Allah al-Zubayrī, K. Nasab Ḳurays̲h̲, ed. E. Lévi-Provençal, Cairo 1953, 84

*K̲h̲alīfa b. K̲h̲ayyāṭ, Taʾrīk̲h̲, Nad̲j̲af 1386/1967, 221, 225

*Ibn Ḥabīb, al-Muḥabbar, ed. I. Lichtenstaedter, Ḥaydarābād 1361/1942, index idem, al-Munammaḳ fī ak̲h̲bār Ḳurays̲h̲, Ḥaydarābād 1384/1964, 505-6

*Ibn Ḳutayba, Maʿārif, Beirut 1390/1970, 88

*ps.-Ibn Ḳutayba, al-Imāma wa ’l-siyāsa, Beirut 1401/1981, ii, 4-6

*Balād̲h̲urī, Ansāb al-as̲h̲rāf, ms. Süleymaniye, fols. 153a, 154b-156b, iii, ed. al-Maḥmūdī,

*Beirut 1397/1977, 159-60, 167-9, 188, 224, iv/2, ed. M. Schloessinger, Jerusalem 1938, 16, 77, 84, v, ed. S.D. Goitein, Jerusalem 1936, 214-15, 291

*Dīnawarī, al-Ak̲h̲bār al-ṭiwāl, ed. V. Guirgass, Leiden 1888, 244-5, 247-56, 258-60

*Yaʿḳūbī, Taʾrīk̲h̲, Beirut 1379/1960, ii, 242-3

*Saʿd b. Abd Allah al-Ḳummī, al-Maḳālāt wa ’l-firaḳ, ed. Muḥammad D̲j̲awād Mas̲h̲kūr, Tehran 1963, 24

*Ṭabarī, index

*Bayhaḳī, al-Maḥāsin wa ’l-masāwī, ed. F. Schwally, Giessen 1902, 59-61

*Ibn Abd Rabbihi, al-ʿIḳd al-farīd, Cairo 1359-72/1940-53, iv, 377-9

*Masʿūdī, Murūd̲j̲, ed. Pellat, index

*Abu ’l-Farad̲j̲ al-Iṣfahānī, Maḳātil al-Ṭālibiyyīn, ed. Aḥmad Ṣaḳr, Beirut n.d., 80, 95-110

*al-Mufīd, al-Irs̲h̲ād, Beirut 1399/1979, 200, 204-23, 249, tr. I.K. Howard, London 1981, 299, 305-33, 373

*idem, al-Ik̲h̲tiṣāṣ, Nad̲j̲af 1390/1971, 78

*al-S̲h̲arīf al-Murtaḍā, Amālī, ed. Muḥammad Abu ’l-Faḍl Ibrāhīm, 2nd ed., Beirut 1387/1967, i, 276

*Ibn Ḥazm, D̲j̲amharat ansāb al-ʿarab, ed. Abd al-Salām Muḥammad Hārūn, Cairo 1382/1962, 69, 406

*Ibn al-Arabī, al-ʿAwāṣim min al-ḳawāṣim, D̲j̲udda 1378, 229-31

*Ṭabrisī (Ṭabarsī), Iʿlām al-warā, Nad̲j̲af 1390/1970, 204, 223-30, 238, 255

*Ibn ʿAsākir, al-Taʾrīk̲h̲ al-kabīr, iv, Damascus 1332, 332 = Taʾrīk̲h̲ ¶ Madīnat Dimas̲h̲ḳ, facs. ed. Cairo n.d. [1989], v, 68

*Ibn S̲h̲ahrās̲h̲ūb, Manāḳib āl Abī Ṭālib, Nad̲j̲af 1956, iii, 241-5, 259

*Ibn al-At̲h̲īr, al-Kāmil, iv, Beirut 1385/1965, 21-2, 25-36, 42-3

* Ibn Namā al-Ḥillī, Mut̲h̲īr al-aḥzān, Nad̲j̲af 1369/1950, 16, 20-26, 32, 50

*Ibn Ṭāwūs, Miṣbāḥ al-zāʾir, ms. Marʿas̲h̲ī, 69-72 idem, al-Luhūf ʿalā ḳatlā ’l-Ṭufūf, Tehran 1348 S̲h̲, 26, 36-8, 45-60, 73-5, 91

*Ibn al-ʿIbrī, Muk̲h̲taṣar taʾrīk̲h̲ al-duwal, Beirut n.d. [1978-9], 110

*Ibn al-Ṭiḳṭaḳā, al-Fak̲h̲rī, ed. H. Derenbourg, Paris 1895, 159-60

* Nuwayrī, Nihāyat al-arab, xx, Cairo 1395/1975, 387-8, 391-405, 413-5, 462, xxi, Cairo 1396/1976, 7

*D̲h̲ahabī, Taʾrīk̲h̲ al-Islām, ii, Cairo 1368, 316 idem, Siyar aʿlām al-nubalāʾ, iii, Cairo 1962, 206-8, 217

*Ibn Kat̲h̲īr, Bidāya, Cairo 1351-8/1932-9, viii, 152-9

*Ibn ʿInaba, ʿUmdat al-ṭālib fī ansāb āl Abī Ṭālib, Beirut 1390, 29

*Ṭurayḥī, al-Muntak̲h̲ab, Beirut n.d., 37, 372, 380-5, 421-9, 434, 437-8

*Mad̲j̲lisī, Biḥār al-anwār, Tehran 1956-74, xlii, 116-7, xliv, 334-7, 341-63, 369-70, 373-4, xlv, 32-3, 68, 96-8, 100-5

*S̲h̲abland̲j̲ī, Nūr al-abṣār fī manāḳib āl al-nabī al-muk̲h̲tār, Cairo 1399/1979, 142-4

*D̲j̲aʿfar al-Tustarī, al-K̲h̲aṣāʾiṣ al-ḥusayniyya, Nad̲j̲af 1375/1956, 124-5

* L, Pelly, The Miracle play of Ḥasan and Ḥusayn, i, London 1879, 171-206

*F. Wüstenfeld, Der Tod des Ḥusein ben Alī, Göttingen 1883, 24-6, 30-46

*H. Lammens, Le califat de Yazīd I , Beirut 1921, 136-45, 150-1

*D.M. Donaldson, The Shīʿite religion, London 1933, 80-5

*Muḥsin al-Amīn, Aʿyān al-S̲h̲īʿa, iv/1, Beirut 1367/1948, 191-4, 199-210, 216, 221-3 idem, Miftāḥ al-d̲j̲annāt, Beirut n.d., ii, 90-3

*ʿAbbās Ḳummī, Tuḥfat al-aḥbāb, Tehran 1369, 359-60 idem, Nafas al-mahmūm, Ḳumm 1405, 82-7, 92-162

*Muḥammad ʿAlī Ābidīn, Mabʿūt̲h̲ al-Ḥusayn, Ḳumm n.d.

*ʿAbd al-Razzāḳ al-Mūsawī al-Muḳarram, al-S̲h̲ahīd Muslim b. ʿAḳīl, Nad̲j̲af 1369/1950

*Parviz Mamnoun, Taʿzija: Schiʿitisch-Persisches Passionsspiel, Vienna 1967, 7, 30, 72-3, 127, 130

*J. Wellhausen, The Religio-political factions in early Islam, tr. Ostle and Walzer, Amsterdam and New York 1975, 105-9

*Mahmoud Ayoub, Redemptive suffering in Islām, The Hague 1978, 99-102 and index
*S.H.M. Jafri, The origins and early development of Shiʿa Islam, London and New York 1979, index
* Ibrāhīm al-Mūsawī al-Zand̲j̲ānī, D̲j̲awla fi ’l-amākin al-muḳaddasa, Beirut 1405/1985, 203-7
*R. Milstein, Miniature painting in Ottoman Baghdad, Costa Mesa 1990, 25-7, 101-6.

==Source==

*[https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-2/muslim-b-akil-b-abi-talib-SIM_5596?s.num=637&s.start=620 Brill website]
*[http://alhassanain.org/Nafasul%20Mahmum%3B%20Relating%20to%20the%20heart%20rending%20tragedy%20of%20Karbala/Nafasul_Mahmum%3B_Relating_to_the_heart_rending_tragedy_of_Karbala_html/nafasul_mahmum.htm Shaykh 'Abbas Qummi , Nafasul Mahmum; Relating to the heart rending tragedy of Karbala']

[[Category: Karbala Martyrs]]
[[Category: Battle of Karbala]]
[[Category: Hussain’s Followers]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[fa:مسلم بن عقیل]]

Ahl Al-Bayt

2022-01-17T12:34:06Z

Heydari: ا توجه به کلی بودن مطلب اینگونه برداشت میشد که پیامبر همیشه پنج تن را زیر عبای خود جمع میکردند و با تخصیص جمله به یک مناسبت خاص، سعی شد از کلی گویی پرهیز شود

'''Ahl al-bayt,''' or “people of the house,” is a phrase used with reference to the family of the prophet [[Muhammad]], particularly by the Shiʻa. In early Arabian tribal society, it was a designation for a noble clan. Thus, the term Ahl al-Bayt in its most generalized understanding refers to the descendants of the Prophet’s forbear Hashem, who had been a Bayt or a family possessing honor among the pre-Islamic Qoraysh; during the Islamic period the term continues to refer to all the descendants of Hashim. However, the vast majority of the traditions quoted by [[Tabari]] explain Ahl al-Bayt as referring to the Prophet, [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|ʿAli]], [[Fatima]], [[Hasan]], and [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain]]; in some of these traditions the Prophet gathered the others under his cloak ([[Al-e ʿAba]]) in a specific occasion.
==In the Qur’an==
Ahl al-bayt occurs only twice in the Qur'an, once in regard to Ibrahim's family (11:73), but more significantly in a verse that states, “God only wishes to keep evil away from you, O people of the house, and to purify you completely" (33:33). The context suggests that this statement pertains to women in Muhammad's household, a view held by Sunni commentators. Some authorities have applied it more widely to descendants of Muhammad's clan (Banu Hashim), the Abbasids, and even the whole community of Muslims. Since the eighth century C.E., however, the Shi’a and many Sunnis have maintained that Qur'an 33:33 refers specifically to five people as Ahl al-Bayt: [[Muhammad]], [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|Ali b. Abi Talib]] (Muhammad's cousin), 'Ali's wife [[Fatima]] (Muhammad's daughter), and their two children, [[Hasan]] and [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain]]. Ulema invoke hadiths in support of this view, as seen in Tabari's Jami' al-Bayan (c. tenth century C.E.). Thus, in South Asia, they are called "the five pure ones" (panjatan pak). They are also known as “people of the mantle” ([[kisa']]) in remembrance of the occasion when the Prophet enveloped them with his mantle and recited this verse.

===Implicit Reference to Ahl al-Bayt===
The Holy Quran has explicitly spoken of Ahl al-Bayt in the Verse of Purification whereas in other verses it has referred to signs that conform to none but them. Abdullah Ibn Jafar says: I was in the presence of [[Muawiya]] with Hasan and Hussain when Muawiya asked, “O Abdullah Ibn Jafar! How much do you respect Hasan?” I answered, “O Muawiya! One day, during his rule, Umar ibn Khattab sent me to Ali ibn Abu-Talib saying, ‘I want to compile the Quran in a book. Send me what you have written of it.’ Ali said to me, ‘By Allah, he will kill you if you take to him my version of the Quran where for some of the verses I have written my interpretations.’ I asked, ‘What for?’ The Imam answered, ‘Allah says:

لَا یَمَسُّهُ إِلَّا الْمُطَهَّرُونَ

None shall touch it save the purified ones. (56:79)

We are the purified ones. We are the paragon of this verse:

ثُمَّ أَوْرَثْنَا الْکِتَابَ الَّذِینَ اصْطَفَیْنَا مِنْ عِبَادِنَا

We gave the Book in inheritance to those whom we chose from among Our servants (35:32).

We are the chosen ones and such parables as ‘good word’ or ‘good tree’ have been revealed about us."<ref>Al-Khisal, Tadiths: 48-49</ref>

The Holy Quran reads,

مَرَجَ الْبَحْرَیْنِ یَلْتَقِیَانِ، بَیْنَهُمَا بَرْزَخٌ لاَ یَبْغِیَانِ، فَبِأَیِّ آلاَءِ رَبِّکُمَا تُکَذِّبَانِ، یَخْرُجُ مِنْهُمَا اللُّؤْلُؤُ وَ الْمَرْجَانُ

He has made the two seas to flow freely so that they meet together. Between them is a barrier, which they cannot pass. There comes forth from them pearls both large and small.

These holy verses certainly refer to Ahl al-Bayt. [[Jaʿfar al-Sadiq|Imam al-Sadiq]] says:

علىّ و فاطمة بحران لؤلؤ و المرجان، الحسن و الحسین

Ali and Fatimah are the two seas; and the pearls are Hasan and Husayn.<ref>Yanabi al-Mawaddah: 200/1</ref>

In the words of another narration, the word "al-shaf` (the even)" mentioned in Surah al-Fajr (No. 89) refers to Imam Hasan and Imam Husayn; while the word al-witr (the odd)" refers to Imam Ali.

In reliable Shiite books of [[Hadith]], there are over 314 narrations, which confirm that the word ‘near relatives (dhul-qurba)' in the Holy Quran refers to Ahl al-Bayt. Likewise, [[Sunni]] scholars have interpreted the ‘near relatives’ into Ahl al-Bayt and the purified Imams.

The Holy Quran reads,

فِی بُیُوتٍ أَذِنَ اللَّهُ أَنْ تُرْفَعَ وَیُذْکَرَ فِیهَا اسْمُهُ یُسَبِّحُ لَهُ فِیهَا بِالْغُدُوِّ وَالْآصَالِ

In houses which Allah has permitted to be exalted and that His name may be remembered in them; there glorify Him therein in the mornings and the evenings. (24:36)

[[Anas b. al-Harith al-Kahili|Anas ibn Malik]] and Buraydah say, “When Allah’s Messenger recited the above mentioned verse, a man rose up asking, "Which houses are they?"

Allah’s Messenger replied, “These are the houses of the Prophets.” Then, Abu-Bakr rose up, pointed to the house of Ali and Fatimah and said, “O Allah’s Messenger! Is this house one of them?” The Holy Prophet said,

“Yes, it is one of the best.”<ref>Shawahid al-Tanzil: 533/1, H. 567</ref>

Ahl al-Bayt are the paragons of the spiritual truth as pointed out in the following holy verse:

رِجَالٌ لَا تُلْهِیهِمْ تِجَارَةٌ وَلَا بَیْعٌ عَنْ ذِکْرِ اللَّهِ وَإِقَامِ الصَّلَاةِ وَإِیتَاءِ الزَّکَاةِ ۙ یَخَافُونَ یَوْمًا تَتَقَلَّبُ فِیهِ الْقُلُوبُ وَالْأَبْصَارُ

Men whom neither merchandise nor selling diverts from the remembrance of Allah and the keeping up of prayer and the giving of poor-rate; they fear a day in which the hearts and the eyes shall turn about. (24:37)

These noble individuals fear the Judgment Day while their faith, deeds, sublime morality and devotion are superior to those of all people of the world.
 
==Significance==
Belief in the supermundane qualities of the ahl al-bayt and the [[imam]]s descended from them form the core of Shi'ite devotion. They are the ideal locus of authority and salvation in all things, both worldly and spiritual. As pure, sinless, and embodiments of divine wisdom, they are held to be the perfect leaders for the Muslim community, as well as models for moral action. Many believe that they possess a divine light through which God created the universe, and that it is only through their living presence that the world exists. Twelver Shi'ite doctrine has emphasized that the pain and [[martyrdom]] endured by ahl al-bayt, particularly by Hussain, hold redemptive power for those who have faith in them and empathize with their suffering. Moreover, they anticipate the messianic return of the [[Chahardah Maʿsum|Twelfth Imam]] at the end of time, and the [[intercession]] of the holy family on the day of judgment.

Sunnis also revere the ahl al-bayt, attributing to them many of the sacred qualities that the Shiʻa do. This is especially so in [[Sufi]] tariqas (brotherhoods), most of which trace their spiritual lineage to Muhammad through 'Ali. Several tariqas hold special veneration for the holy five and the imams, such as the Khalwatiyya, the Bektashiyya, and the Safawiyya, which established the [http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/safavids Safavid dynasty] in Iran (1502-1722). In many Muslim communities, high social status is attributed to those claiming to be sayyids and sharifs, blood-descendants of the ahl al-bayt. Indeed, many Muslim scholars and saints are members of these two groups, and their tombs often become pilgrimage centers.

Although the Saudi-Wahhabi conquest of Arabia (nineteenth to early twentieth centuries) led to the destruction of many ahl al-bayt shrines (including Fatima's tomb in Medina), elsewhere their shrines have attracted large numbers of pilgrims in modern times. These include those of Ali ([[Najaf]], Iraq), Hussain ([[Karbala]], Iraq and Cairo, Egypt), [[Ali al-Rida|Ali al-Riza]] (the eighth imam; [[Mashhad]], Iran), and also of women saints such as Sayyida Zaynab (Ali's daughter; Cairo) and Fatima al-Ma'suma (daughter of the seventh imam; Qom, Iran).

==Bibliography==

*Ayoub, Mahmoud. Redemptive Suffering in Islam: A Study of the Devotional Aspects of ‘Ashura in Twelver Shi’ism. The Hague: Mouton Publishers, 1978. Hoffman- Ladd, Valerie J. “Devotion to the Prophet and His Family in Egyptian Sufism. “International Journal of Middle East Studies 24 (1992): 615- 637. Schubel, Vernon James. Religious Performance in Contemporary Islam: Shi’i Devotional Rituals in South Asia. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1993.

== Source==

*[Juan Eduardo Campo (2004). Encyclopedia of Islam and Muslim World. Macmillan: US (p: 25-26) Encyclopedia of Islam and Muslim World]

[[Category: Islamic Terminology]]
[[Category: Family of Prophet]]
[[fa:اهل بیت (ع)]]
<references />

Qasim b. al-Hasan

2022-01-12T14:31:56Z

Heydari:

'''Qasim b. al-Hasan,''' who accompanied [[Imam Hussain]] from Mecca to Karbala and was eventually martyred in the [[Battle of Karbala]], is the son of [[Hasan B. Ali B. Abi Taleb|Imam al-Hasan]]. {{Infobox companion of Imam (a)
| name = 
| image =Martyrs of Karbala.jpg
| image size =
| caption =
| Full name = Qasim b. al-Ḥasan
| Companion of = [[Hussain ibn Ali|Imam al-Hussain]]
| Kunya =
| Epithet =
| Well Known As =
| Religious Affiliation =
| Lineage = Banu Hashim
| Well known relatives =[[Hasan B. Ali B. Abi Taleb|Imam Hasan]] (Father)
| Birth =
| Place of Birth =
| Place of Residence = Medina
| Death/martyrdom= 61/680
| Cause of Death/martyrdom = [[Martyrdom]] in the [[Battle of Karbala]]
| Burial place = Holy Shrine of [[Hussain ibn Ali|Imam Hussain]], [[Karbala]]
| Professors =
| Students =
| Works =
| Activities =
|Native name=قاسم بن الحسن}}

==Biography==
It is stated in Tasleeyatul Majalis that his mother was a slave. There is no more information about his life prior to the Battle of Karbala. However, it is said in [[''Maqtal al-Khwarazmi'']] that he had not reached puberty when he was martyred.<ref>Makkī, ''Maqtal al-Khwārizmī'', vol. 2, p. 31.</ref> ''Lubab al-ansab'' wrote that he was 16.<ref>Bayhaqī, ''Lubāb al-ansāb'', vol. 1, p. 401</ref>

==Martyrdom==
It is quoted in Manaqib, that he was reciting the following Rajaz: “Verily I am Qasim from the progeny of Ali, by the Lord of the House! We possess superiority while being related to the Prophet than [[Shimr b. Dhi l-Jawshan|Shimr]] and the son of an illegitimate one”.
It is stated in the Amali of [[Shaikh Saduq]] that after Ali bin Hussain, Qasim bin Hasan stepped into the battlefield saying, “Do not be uneasy O my self for everyone shall perish, for today you shall meet the dwellers of Paradise”. He killed three men and they threw him from his horse upon the ground. Fattal Naishapuri too quotes similarly.
But Abul Faraj, [[Shaikh Mufid]] and [[Tabari]] relate from [[Abu Mikhnaf]], who relates from Sulayman bin Abi Rashid, from Hameed bin Muslim, who says that a youth, similar to ‘the first Splinter of the New Moon’, stepped into the battlefield. He held a sword in his hand and wore a cloak and shirt. He wore shoes in his feet, the strap of one of which was broken, and if I remember well it was the left one. [[Umar bin Sa’ad bin Nufayl Azdi]] said, “I desire to attack him”. I said, “Glory be to Allah! Why so? This army which has surrounded him from all sides will surely kill him”. He said, “By Allah! I shall attack him”. He attacked him and before he could turn his face towards him, he dealt a blow upon his head with his sword and slit it. The child fell down on his face upon the ground and called out, “Alas! O dear uncle! Come to my aid”.
Imam Hussain leapt into the battlefield like a wild falcon and attacked like a furious Lion. He attacked Umar with his sword and he put his hand against it, which got severed from the elbow and hung attached to it. It is stated in [[Irshad]], then he yelled aloud, which was heard by the entire army, and Imam Hussain lifted his hands off him. Then the Kufan army laid siege to rescue Umar.
It is narrated in Tasleeyatul Majalis, when the army attacked, the chest of their horses hit Umar and they started taking rounds until they trampled him and he died. When the sand rested, I saw Hussain standing at the head of Qasim, who was stretching his feet upon the ground. Imam Hussain said,
“Far be the nation who have killed you, while their enemy on the day of Qiyamah shall be your grandfather ([[the Prophet]])”.
Then he said,
“By Allah! It is hard upon your uncle that he could not come to your aid when you called him, or he answered but it could not benefit you”. (May Allah’s Mercy and Blessings be upon him).
According to [[Malhoof]], Imam said,
“By Allah! Here he has numerous murderers while his aides are quite less”.
Then he pressed him to his chest and took him in a state that his legs were drawing upon the ground. [[Tabari]] narrates that Imam Hussain pressed his chest to that of Qasim. I said to myself, “What does he intend doing to him?” Then he brought him and placed him near his son Ali bin Hussain (al Akbar) and other martyrs of his family. I asked, “Who is this child?” And I was told, “He is Qasim bin Hasan bin Ali bin Abi Talib”.
It is related that Imam Hussain said,
“O Lord! Reduce their quantity, kill each one of them, abandon every one of them, and never forgive them. Forbear O dear cousins! Forbear! O my household! After today you shall never ever see humiliation”.
Here the author quotes an elegy by Sayyid Haider in praise of Hazrat Qasim, which we forgo.
In a lengthy salutation quoted by Sayyid Murtaďa Alamul Huda (the Standard of Guidance) it is stated that: “Peace be upon Qasim, the son of Hasan, the son of Ali, and Mercy of Allah and His Blessings! Peace be upon you O the son of the beloved of Allah! Peace be upon you O son of the sweet basil of the Prophet of Allah! Peace be upon you O whose desires were left unfulfilled by the world! The one who could not cure his heart through the enemies of Allah until death hastened towards him and his desire died felicitations to you O beloved of the Prophet of Allah’s beloved! How felicitous is your striving, and how eminent is your honor, and how splendid is your place of return”.

In his book, ''al-Luhuf'', Sayyid b. Tawus reported his fight and martyrdom scene as following: "… at that moment a youngster whose face was [bright] like moon came to the battlefield and started fighting. Ibn Fudayl al-Azdi hit him on the head. His head was split and he fell on his face and shouted "O, my uncle!" Hussain came to him very fast and attacked the enemies like a lion. He attacked Ibn Fudayl and cut his hand from elbow as Ibn Fudayl had raised it to protect himself from the sword strike. Ibn Fudayl shouted and all the army heard him. They came to help him but trampled him to death.

Narrator says that when the dust cleared, I saw Hussain standing at the youngster's body and the boy was kicking his legs.

Al-Hussain said, "God may curse the people who killed you. Your father and your grandfather will avenge you on the Day of resurrection. By God! it is difficult for your uncle to call him but he does not answer you and if he does, it would not benefit you. By God! Today is a day that your uncle's enemies are many and his companions are few.

Then he cuddled the youngster and put him next to other martyrs of Banu Hashim."<ref>Sayyid b. Ṭāwūs, ''al-Luhūf'', p. 68-69.</ref>

==source==

*[https://en.wikishia.net/view/Al-Qasim_b._al-Imam_al-Hasan_(a) WikiShia, An online encyclopedia of the school of Ahl al-Bayt]
*[http://alhassanain.org/Nafasul%20Mahmum%3b%20Relating%20to%20the%20heart%20rending%20tragedy%20of%20Karbala/Nafasul_Mahmum%3b_Relating_to_the_heart_rending_tragedy_of_Karbala_html/nafasul_mahmum.htm WikiShia, An online encyclopedia of the school of Ahl al-Bayt]

 

==References==

 
[[Category:Individuals]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[Category:Imam Hussain’s Companions]]
[[Category:Martyrs of Karbala]]
[[fa:قاسم بن حسن (ع)]]

Ali al-Akbar ibn al-Hussain

2022-01-12T14:19:00Z

Heydari:

{{infobox person
| name = Ali al-Akbar ibn Al-Hussain
| native_name = عـلی الأکـبـر بـن الـحـسـیـن
| image = Ali akbar.jpg
| known_for =
| birth_date = Monday, 11th of Sha'ban, 42 A.H./ 30 November 662 (Gregorian Calendar)
| birth_place = Medina, Hijaz
| father = [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain ibn Ali]]
| mother = Layla bint Abi Murrah al-Thaqafi (Umm Layla)
| relatives = Muhammad (maternal great grandfather), [[Ali ibn Abi Talib]] (paternal grandfather), [[Fatima]] (maternal grandmother), [[Hasan B. Ali B. Abi Taleb|Hasan ibn Ali]] (uncle), [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain ibn Ali]] (father), [[Umm Kulthum bint Ali|Umm Kulthum bint Ali]] (aunt), [[Ali b. al-Hussain|Ali ibn Hussain- Sajjad]] (brother), [[Ali Asqar ibn Hussain|Ali al-Asqar]] (brother)
| spouse =
| children =
| death_date = Friday, 10th of Muharram, 61 A.H./ 10 October 680 (Gregorian Calendar) (aged 18 years 4 months 29 days)
| death_place = [[Karbala]], [[Iraq]]
| resting_place = beside the grave of his father, Imam al-Hussain (a) in [[Karbala]].
}}

'''Ali al-Akbar ibn al-Hussain''' (d. 10 [[Muharram]] 61/10 October 680), commonly known as Ali al-Akbar, was [[Hussain ibn Ali|Imam Hussain]]’s eldest son. He was killed at the age of 18, 19, or 25 at the [[battle of Karbala]] on the Day of [[Ashura]]. It is reported that nobody resembles the Prophet more than him (hence his surname Shabih-e Payqambar, the “Prophet’s Likeness”). His role in the Battle of Karbala is characterized by heroic acts and distinguished bravery.
==Life and Martyrdom==
His mother was [[Layla]] bint Morra b. Orwa b. Masʿud Thaqafi.<ref>Tabari, II, p. 387; Mofid, al-Ershad, pp. 222ff.; idem, al-Ekhtesas, Tehran, 1379/1959-60, p. 82; Tarikh-eQom, ed. S. J. Tehrani, Tehran, 1313 Sh./1934, pp. 195 ff; in this last work “‘Ali Akbar” refers to ‘Ali Zayn-al-’Abedinand “‘Ali Asqar” to ‘Ali Akbar</ref> According to most historical sources, Ali Akbar was the first of the Talebites to go out to the battle-field and be killed <ref>Tabari, II, pp. 356ff.; Dinavari, al-Akhbar al-tewal, Cairo, 1330/1912, p. 254; Mofid, al-Ershad, Tehran, 1377/1957-58, pp. 222ff.</ref> His heroic deeds on the battlefield are told in semi-legendary accounts, and his fame as a valiant warrior of the [[Ahl-e Bayt]] might have preceded that of [[ʿAbbas b. ʿAli|Abbas b.Ali]]. Thus, according to Balʿami <ref>p. 267; Chronique IV, pp. 42ff.</ref> Ali Akbar charged the enemy ten times before his father’s eyes and killed two or three men each time. When he returned to the fight, a man called Morra b. Saʿd struck him from behind; he fell and was immediately surrounded by foes who cut him to pieces. Seeing his son fall, Hussain, who had never been known to weep, burst into tears. According to most traditions, his murderer was called Morra B. Monqedh Abdi. His head, along with those of the other martyrs, was brought to [[Ibn Ziad]] in [[Kufa]] and then to [[Yazid]] in Damascus, where, according to a tradition, it was buried in the Bab al-Saqir cemetery.<ref>H. ul-Ameene, Islamic Shi’ite Encyclopaedia IV, Beirut, 1973, p. 180; on the “Torbat-al-Shohada” in Bab al-Saghir, see J. Sourdel-Thomine, “Les anciens lieux de pèlerinage damascains d’après les sources arabes,” in Bulletin d’Etudes Orientales de l’Institut Français de Damas 14, 1952-54, p. 79, note 5</ref> Their bodies were buried by the Banu ʿAzera, a branch of the [[Banu Asad]].<ref>Masʿudi, Moruj V, p. 147</ref>
His grave lies under the central dome of Imam Hussain’s mausoleum in Karbala. The two tombs are placed at right angles and are surrounded by railings.<ref>E. Aubin, La Perse d’aujourd’hui, Paris, 1908, p. 380</ref> Bab Ali Akbar is one of the seven gates of the shrine.<ref>H. ul-Ameene, Islamic Shiʿite Encyclopaedia, Beirut, 1973, IV, p. 207</ref>
==Ali al-Akbar in Later Sources==
The Arabic “historical romance” of Ibn Taʾus Taʾusi,<ref>tr. F. Wüstenfeld, Der Tod des Husein ben Ali und die Rache, Göttingen, 1883</ref> probably composed in the late [[Abbasid]] period, contains further accounts of Ali Akbar’s heroic deeds. Here, as in other such narratives, Ali Akbar is one of the last to fall (just before Ali Asqar and Hussain), killed treacherously after having dispatched eighty-one of his foes.<ref>Wüstenfeld, Der Tod, p. 90</ref> The circumstances of his [[martyrdom]] are generally the same in subsequent popular literature.<ref>on 8th/14th century Turkish narratives, see I. Mélikoff, “Le Drame de Kerbéla dans la littérature épique turque,” REI, 1966, p. 142</ref> In the most comprehensive compilation of these early narratives, the [[Rawzat al-Shuhada]] <ref>completed 908/1502-03; ed. M. Ramazani, Tehran, 1341 Sh./1962, pp. 336-42</ref>, Waʿez Kashefi gives a detailed account of Ali Akbar’s death, making him the 70th martyr at Karbala and the 17th among the Talebites. Ali Akbar shows his eagerness to sacrifice his life; at first Hussain prevents him, but he finally yields and equips him for the fight. Weeping tears of blood, Ali Akbar’s mother and sisters try vainly to hold back his horse. Hussain orders them to let his son meet his fate. Ali Akbar heads toward the battlefield; nobody resembles the Prophet more than him. Upon seeing his face and hearing him sing his mofakhara (“boast”), none of the enemies dares to attack him; he throws himself upon them and slaughters many. Exhausted by thirst, he returns to Hussain, who places the Prophet’s ring, upon which is the miraculous seal of Solomon, in Ali Akbar’s mouth. He returns to the fight and kills many enemies; [[ʿOmar b. Saʿd|Omar b. Saʿd]] is able to send these against him only by promising great worldly rewards (e.g., Tareq b. Shayth is promised governorship of Raqqa and Mosul). Ali defeats all his foes and even kills the valiant Mesraʿ b. Galeb, cleaving him in two with a single blow of his sword. After hearing from Hussain that his thirst will soon be quenched from the [[water]] of Kawthar in Paradise, Ali Akbar goes forth for the third time and is killed by numerous foes. Hussain hears him cry out, rushes to the field, and brings him back to the camp. Kashefi’s account contains many features from the Iranian national epic, such as stereotyped battle scenes and the episode where Ali Akbar’s horse guides Hussain to its dying master.<ref>Rawza, p. 341</ref> Kashefi’s failure to mention Ali Akbar’s mother Layla while describing [[Shahrbanu]]’s lamentation may have influenced the belief, sometimes encountered<ref>according to [[Arthur de Gobineau|Gobineau]], not before Naṣer-al-din Shah’s reign; Les religions et les philosophies dans l’Asie Centrale, 10th ed., Paris, 1957, p. 347</ref>, that the latter was Ali Akbar’s mother.
==Commemoration and Shi’a Rituals==
Ali Akbar’s memory is celebrated in Muharram ceremonies from the West Indies to Southeast Asia. Of all the young men of the Ahl-e Bayt, he is “the Persians’ most beloved, most exalted, most regretted; for he is Imam Hussain’s own son, he is the fatherland’s blood”.<ref>[[Arthur de Gobineau|Gobineau]], Religions, p. 347</ref> Many features of his story appear in [[taʿziya]] (passion play) rituals, such as the love and devotion shown for Ali Akbar by his sisters ([[Sakina bint Hussain|Sakina]]/ Sokayna at Karbala, and Fatima Sogra, who was sick and remained in Medina) and his aunt Zaynab; separate platonic love stories have also developed.<ref>on Khotanese or Egyptian princesses in love with ‘Ali Akbar see Rossi and Bombaci, Elenco, indices, p. 355</ref> He is pictured as a brave and unfortunate youth martyred before he could marry; allusions to worldly and heavenly marriage abound. Chronology is reshuffled, and Ali Akbar is martyred before [[Qasim b. al-Hasan|Qasim]], who competes with him in his eagerness to sacrifice his life for Hussain. In the dramatization of Qasim’s marriage and [[martyrdom]], the dead bodies of Abbas, Ali Akbar, and Zaynab’s children appear on stage.<ref>see I. N. Berezin, Puteshestvie po severnoĭ Persii, Kazan, 1852, p. 322</ref> Zaynab’s offering of her own children in sacrifice for Ali Akbar was first dramatized as part of Ali Akbar’s martyrdom.<ref>ibid., pp. 316ff.; [[Peter J. Chelkowski|P. Chelkowski]], Tarikh va janba-ye adabi-e taʿzia, thesis, Tehran University, 1347 Sh./1968, pp. 230-35</ref> Before becoming a separate play <ref>Rossi and Bombaci, Elenco, indices, p. 356</ref> [[ʿAbbas|Abbas]] is shown testing and training Ali Akbar before the battle.<ref>a scene apparently performed only in Caspian coastal areas; see Chelkowski, Tarikh, pp. 180-86; Rossi and Bombaci, Elenco, no. 716</ref> A parallel has been observed between Abraham’s sacrifice of his son Ismaʿil and Hussain’s sacrifice of Ali Akbar.<ref>Lassy, Muharram Mysteries, pp. 79ff.; Chelkowski, Tarikh p. 211 In Jawhari’s Tufan al-bokaʾ, the story of Ismaʿil is related within that of ‘Ali Akbar. Tehran, n.d., pp. 249ff.</ref> The actor playing Ali Akbar had to be a young and handsome man with a slim waist, and melodious voice.<ref>ʿA. Mostawfi, Sharh-e zendegani-e man I, 2nd ed., Tehran, 1341 Sh./1962, p. 289</ref> In popular iconography, Ali Akbar appears in a coat of mail (sometimes covered with a shroud) dying in Hussain’s lap, arrows stuck in his chest and his head wounded by a sword. Young Boys were often dedicated to Ali Akbar as [[nadhr]] or ex-voto, and thus were made Muharram ceremony celebrants for Ali Akbar. A tradition says that Ali Akbar wore a scalp lock; young boys, especially in villages, used to wear scalp locks in his memory.<ref>B. A. Donaldson, The Wild Rue, London, 1938, p. 187</ref> Persons who do not expect to meet again may express the wish to meet on Judgment Day by quoting Ali Akbar’s farewell words to the Ahl-e Bayt.<ref>ʿA. A. Dehkhoda, Amthal o hekam, Tehran , 1352 Sh./1973, II, p. 849</ref>
==References==
{{reflist|30em}}

==Bibliography==

*See also Ḥabīb al-sīar (Tehran) II, pp. 52, 54ff., 61.

*Y. Lassy, The Muharram Mysteries among the Azerbeijan Turks of Caucasia, Helsingfors, 1916, pp. 39ff., 99ff., 106, 124.

*R. H. de Genneret, Le Martyre d’Ali Akbar. Drame Persan (ed. and tr. of drama no. 18 from Chodzko’s manuscript), Liège and Paris, 1947.

*E. Rossi and A. Bombaci, Elenco di drammi religiosi persiani (fondo mss. Vaticani Cerulli), Vatican City, 1961, indices (mostly p. 355).

*J. Calmard, Le Culte de l’Imām Ḥusayn, Etude sur la commémoration du drame de Karbaladans l’Iran pré-safavide, thesis, University of Paris III (Sorbonne), May, 1975, index and Tableau A, Tableau B.

==Source==

*[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/ali-akbar-imam-hosayns-eldest-son Encyclopaedia Iranica]

[[Category: Karbala Martyrs]]
[[Category: Battle of Karbala]]
[[Category: Hussain’s Followers]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[Category:Hussain’s Family]]
[[fa:علی اکبر (ع)]]
[[Category:Martyrs of Karbala]]
[[Category:Children of Imam Hussain]]

Hadith

2021-11-28T11:42:34Z

Heydari:

'''Hadith''' is the term applied to report of the words and deeds of the prophet [[Muhammad]] and other early Muslims; considered an authoritative source of revelation, second only to the Quran (sometimes referred to as sayings of the Prophet). Hadith (pl. ahadith; hadith is used as a singular or a collective term in English) were collected, transmitted, and taught orally for two centuries after Muhammad's death and then began to be collected in written form and codified. They serve as a source of biographical material for Muhammad, contextualization of Quranic revelations, and Islamic law.

A list of authoritative transmitters is usually included in collections. Compilers were careful to record hadith exactly as received from recognized transmission specialists. The six most authoritative collections are those of al-Bukhari, Muslim, al-Tirmidhi, Abu Daud al-Sijistani, al-Nasai, and al-Qazwini. The collections of Malik ibn Anas and Ahmad ibn Hanbal are also important. Shi’is also use these collections but recognize only some Companions as valid authorities; they consider hadith reports from descendants of Muhammad through [[Ali ibn Abi Talib|Ali]] and [[Fatima]] as fully authoritative. Other important Shi’i collections are those of [[al-Kulayni]], [[al-Qummi]], and [[al-Tusi]].

The science of hadith criticism was developed to determine authenticity and preserve the corpus from alteration or fabrication. Chains of authority and transmission were verified as far back as possible, often to Muhammad himself. Chains of transmission were assessed by the number and credibility of the transmitters and the continuity of the chains (isnad). The nature of the text was also examined. Reports that were illogical, exaggerated, fantastic, or repulsive or that contradicted the Quran were considered suspect. Awareness of fabrication and false teaching has long existed but became a major issue in academic circles in the twentieth century due to early reliance on oral, rather than written, transmission. Traditionally, the body of authentic hadith reports is considered to embody the Sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad.

== Hadith in Honor of Imam Hussain ==
1. Through the above referred chain of authorities from the same book, it is related from Sa’eed bin Jubayr, who relates from Ibn Abbas who says that one day I was sitting in the presence of the Holy Prophet when Imam Hasan came. When the Prophet’s sight fell on him, he started weeping and then said,

“Come to me, come to me”

Prophet made him sit on his right thigh. After some time Imam Hussain came and the Prophet after looking at him started weeping. Then he made Imam Hussain sit on his left thigh. Then after some time Fatima came and the Prophet again started weeping and repeated as before and told her to sit facing him. Then when Imam Ali came he started weeping and repeating his words signaled him to sit on his right side. When the companions, who were sitting there saw this, they said, “O Prophet of Allah! You have not seen anyone among them except that you have wept, is there none among them whose sight could make you happy”? The Prophet replied,

“I swear by Him who has exalted me to Prophethood and has elevated me above the entire creation! No one on the entire earth is more dear to me than them. While my weeping is the result of the sufferings which shall befall them after my death. And I recollect the oppression which shall befall my son Hussain. It is as if I see him taking refuge under the shelter of my grave or the Sacred Sanctuary (Ka’bah), but no one will let him halt there. He will then go to the place which is the spot of his Martyrdom and grief and trials. While a group of men will assist him, who will be the leaders of all Martyrs among my people on the Day of Judgment. It is as if I see that arrows are shot at him and he has fallen down upon the earth of perdition from his steed. Then they will slaughter him like a sheep in an oppressive manner.”

Then he started weeping and wailing and all those near him too wept and raised their voices. Then he arose and said,

“O Allah, I complain to you about all those sufferings which my progeny will have to bear after my death.”

2. Through successive chain of narrators, Shaikh Abu Ja’far Al-Tusi, through his chain of transmitters, relates from Muhammad bin Muslim, who says that I have heard Imam Muhammad [[Muhammad al-Baqir|al-Baqir]] and Imam [[Jaʿfar al-Sadiq|Ja’far al-Sadiq]] as saying that,

“Indeed the reward and compensation given by Allah for the martyrdom of Imam Hussain is that [[Imamate]] has been issued forth from his progeny, there is cure in (the earth of) his grave, the fulfillment of desires at the head of his grave, and from the time the pilgrim goes to visit his grave and returns back, no accounting will be taken (from him).”

Muhammad bin Muslim asked Imam Sadiq, “These rewards are (for the people) on account of Imam, but what about the reward for him.” Imam replied,

“Indeed Almighty Allah has united him with the Holy Prophet and Imam remains with the Prophet in his station and position.”

Then he recited the following verse of the Qur’an:

“And (as for) those who believe and their offspring follow them in faith, We will unite with them their offspring.”<ref>Surah at-Tur, 52:21</ref>

== Hadith on Merits of Mourning ==
1: Through successive chain of authorities, Shaikh Muhammad bin Nu’man [[al-Mufid]] relates from the Shaikh Qummi, from Ibn Waleed, from Saffar, from Ibn Abul Khattab, from Muhammad bin Isma’il, from Saleh bin Aqbah, from Abu Haroon Makfoof, who says that once I went to the presence of Imam [[Jaʿfar al-Sadiq|Ja’far al-Sadiq]]. Imam told me to recite some couplets to which I started reciting.

Then Imam said,

“Not like this, recite as you do so for him (Imam [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain]]) among yourselves and (standing) on the head of his grave.”

Then I recited, “While passing by the grave of Hussain tell his blessed bones…” Then Imam started weeping and hence I became silent. Imam Sadiq told me to continue and recite some more, thus I recited “O Farwa! Arise and weep and lament upon your Master Hussain, give an opportunity to weep over the corpse of Hussain.” Abu Haroon continues that Imam Sadiq wept bitterly and the women of his household too wept. When they became silent, Imam said,

“O Abu Haroon! If a person recites couplets about Imam Hussain and makes ten people weep by it then Paradise is reserved for him at that very moment.”

Then Imam started reducing the number of persons till he reached one and said,

“If a person recites couplets about Imam Hussain and makes a single person weep by it, then Paradise is reserved for him at that very moment.”

Imam retorted,

“Anyone who remembers Imam Hussain and weeps over him, shall have Paradise (as his reward).”

Shaikh Abbas Qummi says that the couplets recited by Abu Haroon were the ones composed by Sayyid al Himyari and which has been explicitly quoted by Shaikh Ibn Nima.

2: Through successive chain of authorities, Shaikh Saduq relates from his chain of authorities from Ibn Abbas that, [[Ali ibn Abi Talib|Imam Ali]] asked the Holy Prophet, “Do you hold Aqeel dear to yourself”? The Prophet replied,

“Yes by Allah! I do hold him dear due to two reasons. The first being that I personally hold him dear, second being that Abu Talib loved him, and that his son (Muslim) will die befriending your son (Imam [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain]]). And verily the eyes of the believers will weep (over his martyrdom) and the Angels close to Allah will send blessings upon him.”

The Prophet started weeping and tears fell upon his chest, then he said,

“I complain to Allah regarding that (pain and sufferings) which my Progeny will have to bear after my death.”

3: Through successive chain of authorities, the Chief of Traditionists Muhammad bin Ali bin Babawayh Qummi, through his authorities, quotes Imam [[Ali al-Rida|Rida]] saying that,

“Whoever remembers our sorrows, and weeps over the oppressions which have been inflicted upon us, then on the day of Qiyamah he shall be on our status along with us. And the one who remembers our sorrows and thereby weeps and makes others weep, then his eyes shall not weep on the day when all eyes will be weeping. And the one who sits in such a gathering wherein our matters are discussed, his heart will not die on the day when all hearts shall perish.”

4: Through my connecting chain of transmitters reaching Abul Qasim Ja’far bin Qawlawayh Qummi, who relates with his chain of authorities, that Imam Ja’far al-Sadiq said,

“The murderers of both, Prophet Yahya as well as Imam [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain]] were illegitimate. The heavens have not wept, except on account of the [[martyrdom]] of both of them.”

5: Through the chain of transmitters reaching Shaikh al-Taifa Abu Ja’far Al-Tusi, who relates from Shaikh Mufid, who relates from Ibn Qawlawayh, from his father, from Sa’ad, from Barqi, from Sulayman bin Muslim Kindi, from Ibn Ghazawan, from Isa bin Abi Mansoor, from Aban bin Taghlib, who relates from Imam Ja’far al-Sadiq that he said,

“The sorrowful sigh over the oppression which have been inflicted upon us is glorification, and grief upon us is worship. And guarding our secrets carries the reward of struggle in the path of Allah.”

Then he retorted,

“Verily it is necessary that this tradition be written in gold.”

5: Through his chain of transmitters, the Jurist Shaikh Abul Qasim Ja’far bin Qawlawayh relates from Ibn Kharejah that Imam Ja’far al-Sadiq said that Imam Hussain says,

“I am the Martyr of grief and was martyred in captivity. And it is (incumbent) upon Allah to send the one who comes to visit my grave in sorrow, to reach contented back to his family.”

6: It has been related by Shaikh Al-Tusi, through successive chain of narrators from Abu ‘Amr Usman Daqqaq, from Ja’far bin Muhammad bin Malik, from Ahmad bin Yahya Azdi, from Makhool bin Ibraheem, from Rabi’ bin Munzir, from his father who quotes Imam [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain bin Ali]] as saying that,

“There is no slave of Allah who sheds tears and his eyes become wet, except that Allah will put him in Paradise for a (lengthy) period.”

Ahmad bin Yahya Azdi says that one day I saw Imam Hussain in a dream and inquired from him regarding the validity of the tradition and the Imam replied that it was true.

6: Through my chain of transmitters connected to Shaikh Ali bin Ibrahim Qummi who relates from his father, from Ibn Mahboob, from Ala’, from Muhammad, from Imam Muhammad [[Muhammad Al-Baqir|al-Baqir]] who said that, Imam [[Ali b. al-Hussain|Ali bin Hussain]] said,

“If a believer weeps over the martyrdom of Imam Hussain and tears flow from his eyes and fall on his cheeks, then Allah will make him reside in the palaces of Paradise where he shall abide for a lengthy period of time. And if tears flow from a believer’s eyes (in sorrow) and falls upon his cheeks for the oppression and tyranny which has been inflicted upon us by our enemies, then Allah will present him a seat in Paradise. And the believer who undergoes sufferings on our behalf and tears flow on his cheeks, then Allah will remove sorrow from his face, and on the day of Qiyamah will keep him away from His wrath and safeguard him against the fire (of hell).”

7: Through successive chain of transmitters reaching Ja’far bin Qawlawayh Qummi, who relates from Haroon bin Moosa Tal’ukbari, from Umar bin Abdul Aziz Kashshi, from Umar bin Sabah, from Ibn Isa, from Yahya bin Imran, from Muhammad bin Sinan, from Zayd bin Shiham, who says that, I was sitting in the presence of Imam Ja’far al-Sadiq with a group of people from [[Kufa]], when Ja’far bin Affan entered. Imam welcomed him, signaled him to sit closer to him and then said, “O Ja’far” he said, “Here I am (at your service), may I be your ransom”!

Imam said,

“I have heard that you recite elegies for Imam Hussain, and that you recite it very well.”

He replied, “Yes, may I be your ransom.” He recited and the Imam started weeping, and all those who were present there too started weeping, until Imam’s beard was soaked in tears.

Then he said,

“O Ja’far! By Allah! The Angels close to Allah have descended here and heard your couplets for Imam Hussain and wept like us and even more. The Almighty Allah has reserved Paradise for you at this very moment and has forgiven your sins. O Ja’far! Do you want to hear something more”?

Ja’far replied in the affirmative and Imam continued,

“There is none who recites elegies in the praise of Imam Hussain and himself weeps besides making others weep, except that Allah will make Paradise obligatory for him and forgive him.”

8. Through successive chain of transmitters, Allamah Hilli relates from Khwaja Nasiruddin Muhammad bin Muhammad Al-Tusi, from Burhan Muhammad bin Muhammad bin Ali Hamadani Qazwini (who had settled in Ray), from Muntajabuddin Ali bin Ubaydullah bin Hasan Qummi, from his father, from his grandfather, from Shaikh Abil Fath Muhammad bin Ali bin Usman Karajaki, from Muhammad bin Abbas, with his chain of narrators from Hasan bin Mahboob, who relates with his chain of narrators from Sandul, from Darim bin Firqad who says that Imam Ja’far [[Jaʿfar al-Sadiq|al-Sadiq]] said that,

“Recite Sura al Fajr in your obligatory (wajib) and supererogatory (Nafilah) morning Prayers, for it is particularly related to Imam Hussain. Have you not heard the words of Allah the Exalted in this Verse (Ayah):

O Tranquilled Soul at (complete) rest! Return to your Lord, well-pleased (with Him), (and) His being well-pleased with you.” (Surah al-Fajr, 89:27-30).

Here Imam Hussain is referred to as the “Tranquilled Soul, well-pleased (with Allah) and His being well-pleased with him.”

His companions from the family of the Prophet, are those who will be pleased with Allah on the day of Qiyamah and Allah too will be pleased with them. Verily this Sura is particularly connected to Imam Hussain, his followers (Shi’a), and the followers (Shi’a) of the Progeny of Prophet [[Muhammad]]. The one who continuously recites this Sura will remain with Imam Hussain in Paradise in his elevated station, and verily Allah is Predominant and All-Wise.”

== Source ==

* [http://www.oxfordislamicstudies.com/article/opr/t125/e758 Oxford Islamic Studies]
* [http://alhassanain.org/Nafasul%20Mahmum%3B%20Relating%20to%20the%20heart%20rending%20tragedy%20of%20Karbala/Nafasul_Mahmum%3B_Relating_to_the_heart_rending_tragedy_of_Karbala_html/nafasul_mahmum.htm Shaykh 'Abbas Qummi , Nafasul Mahmum; Relating to the heart rending tragedy of Karbala']

== References ==
[[Category:Islamic Terminologies]]

Hadith

2021-11-27T16:28:08Z

Heydari:

'''Hadith''' is the term applied to report of the words and deeds of the prophet [[Muhammad]] and other early Muslims; considered an authoritative source of revelation, second only to the Quran (sometimes referred to as sayings of the Prophet). Hadith (pl. ahadith; hadith is used as a singular or a collective term in English) were collected, transmitted, and taught orally for two centuries after Muhammad's death and then began to be collected in written form and codified. They serve as a source of biographical material for Muhammad, contextualization of Quranic revelations, and Islamic law.

A list of authoritative transmitters is usually included in collections. Compilers were careful to record hadith exactly as received from recognized transmission specialists. The six most authoritative collections are those of al-Bukhari, Muslim, al-Tirmidhi, Abu Daud al-Sijistani, al-Nasai, and al-Qazwini. The collections of Malik ibn Anas and Ahmad ibn Hanbal are also important. Shi’is also use these collections but recognize only some Companions as valid authorities; they consider hadith reports from descendants of Muhammad through [[Ali ibn Abi Talib|Ali]] and [[Fatima]] as fully authoritative. Other important Shi’i collections are those of [[al-Kulayni]], [[al-Qummi]], and [[al-Tusi]].

The science of hadith criticism was developed to determine authenticity and preserve the corpus from alteration or fabrication. Chains of authority and transmission were verified as far back as possible, often to Muhammad himself. Chains of transmission were assessed by the number and credibility of the transmitters and the continuity of the chains (isnad). The nature of the text was also examined. Reports that were illogical, exaggerated, fantastic, or repulsive or that contradicted the Quran were considered suspect. Awareness of fabrication and false teaching has long existed but became a major issue in academic circles in the twentieth century due to early reliance on oral, rather than written, transmission. Traditionally, the body of authentic hadith reports is considered to embody the Sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad.

== Hadith in Honor of Imam Hussain ==
1. Through the above referred chain of authorities from the same book, it is related from Sa’eed bin Jubayr, who relates from Ibn Abbas who says that one day I was seated in the presence of the Holy Prophet when Imam Hasan came. When the Prophet’s sight fell on him, he started weeping and then said,

“Come to me, come to me”

Prophet made him sit on his right thigh. After some time Imam Hussain came and the Prophet after looking at him started weeping. Then he made Imam Hussain sit on his left thigh. Then after some time Fatima came and the Prophet again started weeping and repeated as before and told her to sit facing him. Then when Imam Ali came he started weeping and repeating his words signaled him to sit on his right side. When the companions, who were sitting there saw this, they said, “O Prophet of Allah! You have not seen anyone among them except that you have wept, is there none among them whose sight could make you happy”? The Prophet replied,

“I swear by Him who has exalted me to Prophethood and has elevated me above the entire creation! No one on the entire earth is more dear to me than them. While my weeping is the result of the sufferings which shall befall them after my death. And I recollect the oppression which shall befall my son Hussain. It is as if I see him taking refuge under the shelter of my grave or the Sacred Sanctuary (Ka’bah), but no one will let him halt there. He will then go to the place which is the spot of his Martyrdom and grief and trials. While a group of men will assist him, who will be the leaders of all Martyrs among my people on the Day of Judgment. It is as if I see that arrows are shot at him and he has fallen down upon the earth of perdition from his steed. Then they will slaughter him like a sheep in an oppressive manner.”

Then he started weeping and wailing and all those near him too wept and raised their voices. Then he arose and said,

“O Allah, I complain to you about all those sufferings which my progeny will have to bear after my death.”

2. Through successive chain of narrators, Shaikh Abu Ja’far Al-Tusi, through his chain of transmitters, relates from Muhammad bin Muslim, who says that I have heard Imam Muhammad [[Muhammad al-Baqir|al-Baqir]] and Imam [[Jaʿfar al-Sadiq|Ja’far al-Sadiq]] as saying that,

“Indeed the reward and compensation given by Allah for the martyrdom of Imam Hussain is that [[Imamate]] has been issued forth from his progeny, there is cure in (the earth of) his grave, the fulfillment of desires at the head of his grave, and from the time the pilgrim goes to visit his grave and returns back, no accounting will be taken (from him).”

Muhammad bin Muslim asked Imam Sadiq, “These rewards are (for the people) on account of Imam, but what about the reward for him.” Imam replied,

“Indeed Almighty Allah has united him with the Holy Prophet and Imam remains with the Prophet in his station and position.”

Then he recited the following verse of the Qur’an:

“And (as for) those who believe and their offspring follow them in faith, We will unite with them their offspring.”<ref>Surah at-Tur, 52:21</ref>

== Hadith on Merits of Mourning ==
1: Through successive chain of authorities, Shaikh Muhammad bin Nu’man [[al-Mufid]] relates from the Shaikh Qummi, from Ibn Waleed, from Saffar, from Ibn Abul Khattab, from Muhammad bin Isma’il, from Saleh bin Aqbah, from Abu Haroon Makfoof, who says that once I went to the presence of Imam [[Jaʿfar al-Sadiq|Ja’far al-Sadiq]]. Imam told me to recite some couplets to which I started reciting.

Then Imam said,

“Not like this, recite as you do so for him (Imam [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain]]) among yourselves and (standing) on the head of his grave.”

Then I recited, “While passing by the grave of Hussain tell his blessed bones…” Then Imam started weeping and hence I became silent. Imam Sadiq told me to continue and recite some more, thus I recited “O Farwa! Arise and weep and lament upon your Master Hussain, give an opportunity to weep over the corpse of Hussain.” Abu Haroon continues that Imam Sadiq wept bitterly and the women of his household too wept. When they became silent, Imam said,

“O Abu Haroon! If a person recites couplets about Imam Hussain and makes ten people weep by it then Paradise is reserved for him at that very moment.”

Then Imam started reducing the number of persons till he reached one and said,

“If a person recites couplets about Imam Hussain and makes a single person weep by it, then Paradise is reserved for him at that very moment.”

Imam retorted,

“Anyone who remembers Imam Hussain and weeps over him, shall have Paradise (as his reward).”

Shaikh Abbas Qummi says that the couplets recited by Abu Haroon were the ones composed by Sayyid al Himyari and which has been explicitly quoted by Shaikh Ibn Nima.

2: Through successive chain of authorities, Shaikh Saduq relates from his chain of authorities from Ibn Abbas that, [[Ali ibn Abi Talib|Imam Ali]] asked the Holy Prophet, “Do you hold Aqeel dear to yourself”? The Prophet replied,

“Yes by Allah! I do hold him dear due to two reasons. The first being that I personally hold him dear, second being that Abu Talib loved him, and that his son (Muslim) will die befriending your son (Imam [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain]]). And verily the eyes of the believers will weep (over his martyrdom) and the Angels close to Allah will send blessings upon him.”

The Prophet started weeping and tears fell upon his chest, then he said,

“I complain to Allah regarding that (pain and sufferings) which my Progeny will have to bear after my death.”

3: Through successive chain of authorities, the Chief of Traditionists Muhammad bin Ali bin Babawayh Qummi, through his authorities, quotes Imam [[Ali al-Rida|Rida]] saying that,

“Whoever remembers our sorrows, and weeps over the oppressions which have been inflicted upon us, then on the day of Qiyamah he shall be on our status along with us. And the one who remembers our sorrows and thereby weeps and makes others weep, then his eyes shall not weep on the day when all eyes will be weeping. And the one who sits in such a gathering wherein our matters are discussed, his heart will not die on the day when all hearts shall perish.”

4: Through my connecting chain of transmitters reaching Abul Qasim Ja’far bin Qawlawayh Qummi, who relates with his chain of authorities, that Imam Ja’far al-Sadiq said,

“The murderers of both, Prophet Yahya as well as Imam [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain]] were illegitimate. The heavens have not wept, except on account of the [[martyrdom]] of both of them.”

5: Through the chain of transmitters reaching Shaikh al-Taifa Abu Ja’far Al-Tusi, who relates from Shaikh Mufid, who relates from Ibn Qawlawayh, from his father, from Sa’ad, from Barqi, from Sulayman bin Muslim Kindi, from Ibn Ghazawan, from Isa bin Abi Mansoor, from Aban bin Taghlib, who relates from Imam Ja’far al-Sadiq that he said,

“The sorrowful sigh over the oppression which have been inflicted upon us is glorification, and grief upon us is worship. And guarding our secrets carries the reward of struggle in the path of Allah.”

Then he retorted,

“Verily it is necessary that this tradition be written in gold.”

5: Through his chain of transmitters, the Jurist Shaikh Abul Qasim Ja’far bin Qawlawayh relates from Ibn Kharejah that Imam Ja’far al-Sadiq said that Imam Hussain says,

“I am the Martyr of grief and was martyred in captivity. And it is (incumbent) upon Allah to send the one who comes to visit my grave in sorrow, to reach contented back to his family.”

6: It has been related by Shaikh Al-Tusi, through successive chain of narrators from Abu ‘Amr Usman Daqqaq, from Ja’far bin Muhammad bin Malik, from Ahmad bin Yahya Azdi, from Makhool bin Ibraheem, from Rabi’ bin Munzir, from his father who quotes Imam [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain bin Ali]] as saying that,

“There is no slave of Allah who sheds tears and his eyes become wet, except that Allah will put him in Paradise for a (lengthy) period.”

Ahmad bin Yahya Azdi says that one day I saw Imam Hussain in a dream and inquired from him regarding the validity of the tradition and the Imam replied that it was true.

6: Through my chain of transmitters connected to Shaikh Ali bin Ibrahim Qummi who relates from his father, from Ibn Mahboob, from Ala’, from Muhammad, from Imam Muhammad [[Muhammad Al-Baqir|al-Baqir]] who said that, Imam [[Ali b. al-Hussain|Ali bin Hussain]] said,

“If a believer weeps over the martyrdom of Imam Hussain and tears flow from his eyes and fall on his cheeks, then Allah will make him reside in the palaces of Paradise where he shall abide for a lengthy period of time. And if tears flow from a believer’s eyes (in sorrow) and falls upon his cheeks for the oppression and tyranny which has been inflicted upon us by our enemies, then Allah will present him a seat in Paradise. And the believer who undergoes sufferings on our behalf and tears flow on his cheeks, then Allah will remove sorrow from his face, and on the day of Qiyamah will keep him away from His wrath and safeguard him against the fire (of hell).”

7: Through successive chain of transmitters reaching Ja’far bin Qawlawayh Qummi, who relates from Haroon bin Moosa Tal’ukbari, from Umar bin Abdul Aziz Kashshi, from Umar bin Sabah, from Ibn Isa, from Yahya bin Imran, from Muhammad bin Sinan, from Zayd bin Shiham, who says that, I was sitting in the presence of Imam Ja’far al-Sadiq with a group of people from [[Kufa]], when Ja’far bin Affan entered. Imam welcomed him, signaled him to sit closer to him and then said, “O Ja’far” he said, “Here I am (at your service), may I be your ransom”!

Imam said,

“I have heard that you recite elegies for Imam Hussain, and that you recite it very well.”

He replied, “Yes, may I be your ransom.” He recited and the Imam started weeping, and all those who were present there too started weeping, until Imam’s beard was soaked in tears.

Then he said,

“O Ja’far! By Allah! The Angels close to Allah have descended here and heard your couplets for Imam Hussain and wept like us and even more. The Almighty Allah has reserved Paradise for you at this very moment and has forgiven your sins. O Ja’far! Do you want to hear something more”?

Ja’far replied in the affirmative and Imam continued,

“There is none who recites elegies in the praise of Imam Hussain and himself weeps besides making others weep, except that Allah will make Paradise obligatory for him and forgive him.”

8. Through successive chain of transmitters, Allamah Hilli relates from Khwaja Nasiruddin Muhammad bin Muhammad Al-Tusi, from Burhan Muhammad bin Muhammad bin Ali Hamadani Qazwini (who had settled in Ray), from Muntajabuddin Ali bin Ubaydullah bin Hasan Qummi, from his father, from his grandfather, from Shaikh Abil Fath Muhammad bin Ali bin Usman Karajaki, from Muhammad bin Abbas, with his chain of narrators from Hasan bin Mahboob, who relates with his chain of narrators from Sandul, from Darim bin Firqad who says that Imam Ja’far [[Jaʿfar al-Sadiq|al-Sadiq]] said that,

“Recite Sura al Fajr in your obligatory (wajib) and supererogatory (Nafilah) morning Prayers, for it is particularly related to Imam Hussain. Have you not heard the words of Allah the Exalted in this Verse (Ayah):

O Tranquilled Soul at (complete) rest! Return to your Lord, well-pleased (with Him), (and) His being well-pleased with you.” (Surah al-Fajr, 89:27-30).

Here Imam Hussain is referred to as the “Tranquilled Soul, well-pleased (with Allah) and His being well-pleased with him.”

His companions from the family of the Prophet, are those who will be pleased with Allah on the day of Qiyamah and Allah too will be pleased with them. Verily this Sura is particularly connected to Imam Hussain, his followers (Shi’a), and the followers (Shi’a) of the Progeny of Prophet [[Muhammad]]. The one who continuously recites this Sura will remain with Imam Hussain in Paradise in his elevated station, and verily Allah is Predominant and All-Wise.”

== Source ==

* [http://www.oxfordislamicstudies.com/article/opr/t125/e758 Oxford Islamic Studies]
* [http://alhassanain.org/Nafasul%20Mahmum%3B%20Relating%20to%20the%20heart%20rending%20tragedy%20of%20Karbala/Nafasul_Mahmum%3B_Relating_to_the_heart_rending_tragedy_of_Karbala_html/nafasul_mahmum.htm Shaykh 'Abbas Qummi , Nafasul Mahmum; Relating to the heart rending tragedy of Karbala']

== References ==
[[Category:Islamic Terminologies]]

The Battle of Harra

2021-11-27T15:30:03Z

Heydari:

'''The Battle of Harra''' (Arabic: الواقعة الحرّة) took place in the sixty-third year of the Islamic calendar during the reign of [[Yazid]] ibn Mu‘awiya between the powerful armies of Sham under the commandership of Muslim b. 'Uqba and the people of Medina. In this event, many people including 80 of the [[Prophet Muhammad]]'s companions and 700 of Quran memorizers (hafiz) were killed, and people's property was plundered.

==Meaning of Harra==
Harrah literally means a rocky and uneven terrain full of black stones which make passage through it quite difficult. This well-known event acquired its name because the assault, which the government armies of Sham made on the ordinary people of Medina, began in a rocky eastern region of Medina.<ref>Ibn Qutaybah, ‘Uyun al-Akhbar, vol. 1, p. 238.</ref>

The event of Harrah which occurred during the reign of Bani Umayyah, is known to have been a horrible crime. Ibn Mushkuwiyyah narrates, “The incident of Harrah is one of the most dreadful and formidable events of history.”<ref>Tajarub al-Umam, vol. 2, p. 79.</ref>

==Origins of the uprising of the people of Medina==
The uprising by the people of Medina occurred in 63 AH. It was more a peoples’ uprising against government policies as well as an uprising against Yazid’s authoritative reign and Bani Umayyah’s tyrannical sultanate. The uprising of the people of Medina was a popular and self-perpetuating social movement rooted in the people’s unanimous rejection of the rule of Yazid and Bani Umayyah.

The group of the Helpers [ansar] had chosen ‘Abd Allah ibn Hanzala to be their army commander and leader in the confrontation with Bani Umayyah and the Quraysh appointed ‘Abd Allah ibn Matih to be their commander.<ref>Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. 5, p. 106; Tarikh Tabari, vol. 4, p. 368.</ref>

This uprising was caused by various factors:

====Religious sentiments====
Medina has always been an exceptionally important city because it is the city of Allah’s Prophet and the land where the divine message grew, developed and flourished. It is the land where divine knowledge and wisdom where introduced. It was in Medina where the Prophet’s way of life was explained and people were instructed based on that.

Medina is the land where people learned Qur’anic commentary and interpretation of the divine message from the Holy Prophet himself. The Prophet’s distinguished companions, including the Helpers [ansar] and the Immigrants [muhajirin], had lived there since the Holy Prophet’s time. After the Prophet’s death, some of his most renowned companions preferred to stay in that city because of the fond memories they held about Allah’s Prophet.

It is evident why the people of Medina had a fervent inclination towards Islamic tenets and stronger religious sentiments than the people of Sham; they were more familiar with the Prophet’s conduct [sunnah] and that of his successors and companions. It was for this reason that they were able to discern the wrong ways of Bani Umayyah earlier than others.

It was the people of Medina who previously were the first to voice their objections to ‘Uthman. Now, these same people were experiencing the rule of a raw inexperienced youth called Yazid ibn Mu‘awiya. Accordingly, their disapproval and protest against Yazid sprang up.

‘Uthman ibn Muhammad ibn Abu Sufiyan, the governor of Medina, had sent a group of men consisting of Immigrants and Helpers to meet with the caliph in Damascus, so they could present their grievances to Yazid and so Yazid could bestow gifts upon them to silence them.<ref>Tarikh Tabari, vol. 4, p. 368; Al-‘Aqd al-Farid, vol. 5, p. 135.</ref> During this meeting, not only did Yazid fail to win them over to his side, but his ignorant behavior proved his incompetence to them.<ref>Al-Futuh, vol. 3, p. 179.</ref>

When they returned to Medina, they explained what they had seen from Yazid. They gathered in the Holy Prophet’s Mosque and started shouting to the people, “We have come from meeting a person who is depraved of religion, drinks wine, plays the tambourine and spends the night with base men, slave girls and female singers and as a result has abandoned prayer.”<ref>Tarikh Tabari, vol. 4, p. 368; Al-Bidayah wa al-Nihayah, vol. 6, p. 233.</ref>

The people asked ‘Abd Allah ibn Hanzala what news he had brought from the caliph. He replied, “I am coming from meeting a man whom, I swear by Allah, I would have fought if no one were present except my sons.” The people said, “We have heard that Yazid has given you money and gifts.”

‘Abd Allah answered, “It is true, but I accepted his money and gifts only for the purpose of using it to acquire and prepare an army against Yazid himself.” In this way, ‘Abd Allah started inciting and instigating the people against Yazid and the people responded positively to his calls for an uprising.<ref>Ibid</ref>

Suyuti writes, “The reason for the uprising of the people of Medina was that Yazid had exceeded all bounds and every limit in committing sins.”<ref>Tarikh al-Khulafa’, p. 209</ref>

====Karbala and the martyrdom of Imam al-Hussain====
Ibn Khaldun recounts, “When Yazid’s tyranny and the oppression by his deputies became widespread, and after he killed the Prophet’s son, the people of Medina started a rebellion and uprising.”<ref>Ibn Khaldun, Tarikh, vol. 2, p. 37</ref>

When Bashir ibn Jadhlam brought the news of the [[martyrdom]] of Imam [[Hussain ibn Ali|al-Hussain]] and the taking of captives, it seemed in Medina as though the trumpet had been blown announcing the Day of Resurrection. The women of Medina came out of their homes and marched towards the city gates. Men, women and children, came out of their houses barefoot shouting, “O Muhammad! Alas Muhammad! O al-Hussain! O al-Hussain! O al-Hussain!” It was very similar to the day the Holy Prophet passed away.<ref>Maqtal Abi Mukhnaf, p. 200</ref>

Imam [[ʿAli b. al-Hussain|al-Sajjad]] made a sermon and his words had a strong effect on the people of Medina. In addition to that, [[Zaynab]] and other women, all mothers who had lost children in the battle of [[Karbala]], gave public speeches and detailed what had occurred at [[Karbala]]. Each of the survivors was explaining the event of [[Ashura]] and what had transpired at Karbala. They also gave comprehensive accounts of what had taken place for the captives on the way from [[Kufa]] to Sham and their meeting with Yazid. All this news had a deep impact on the community of Medina.

===Political chaos and disorganization===
One of the main causes for the uprising by the people of Medina against the Umayyad government was the immoral behavior and corruption that characterized political decisions. ‘Abd Allah ibn Zubayr wrote a letter to Yazid ibn Mu‘awiya in which he criticized Walid ibn ‘Aqaba, Yazid’s governor and representative in Medina.<ref>Nihayah al-Arab, vol. 6, p. 216</ref>

Ibn Zubayr wrote, “You have sent a harsh and brutal man for us. He does not pay the least attention to what is right and just. He does not pay any attention to the advice of well-wishers, nor does he heed the words of the wise. If you had sent a flexible person, we could be hopeful that complicated work might be made easier.”

Later, Yazid relieved Walid ibn ‘Aqaba of his post and replaced him with ‘Uthman ibn Muhammad ibn Abu Sufiyan. ‘Uthman, too, was an arrogant and vain youth who lacked experience.<ref>Ibid</ref> It was during his time as governor of Medina that the event of Harrah took place.<ref>Al-Ma‘arif, p. 345</ref>

The accumulation of the mentioned factors laid the groundwork for an explosion; the only thing that was needed was a spark and it came as follows: Ibn Mina, Yazid’s financial representative and the man responsible for collecting tax, decided to take all the wealth he collected from Harrah to Sham for Yazid.

A group of protesters from Medina blocked his way. They confiscated all the tax and wealth which Ibn Mina was carrying. Ibn Mina reported the issue to ‘Uthman ibn Muhammad ibn Abu Sufiyan, the governor of Medina. ‘Uthman reported the issue to Yazid ibn Mu‘awiya in a letter he sent to Sham. As a result of this, Yazid was incited against the people of Medina.<ref>Tarikh Ya‘qubi, vol. 2, p. 250; Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, vol. 1, p. 206</ref>

Yazid became very angry when he heard this news. He said, “I swear by Allah! I will send a large army towards them, and in this way I will crush them under the feet of horses.”<ref>Wafa’ al-Wafa’, vol. 1, p. 127</ref>

==Direct confrontation==
‘Abd Allah ibn Hanzala invited the people for the ultimate confrontation with Yazid ibn Mu‘awiya and the whole of Bani Umayyah. His good public standing was the reason the people trusted him and gathered around him. They even elected him to be the governor of Medina and paid their allegiance to him and deposed Yazid ibn Mu‘awiya from the caliphate.<ref>Ibn Sa‘d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. 5, p. 47</ref>

After this, the people expelled Yazid’s agent, ‘Uthman ibn Muhammad ibn Abu Sufiyan, from the city of Medina. This happened on the first day of the month of [[Muharram]], the year of the Islamic calendar (hijrah).

Then, they imprisoned all the family members of Bani Umayyah and their partisans among the Quraysh in the house of Marwan Hakam. They did not, however, harm the prisoners in any way.<ref>Ibid., Ibn Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh, vol. 4, p. 111; Ibn Khaldun, Tarikh, vol. 2, p. 37</ref>

The deposed governor of Medina sent his torn shirt along with a letter to Sham imploring for help. He wrote to Yazid, “Answer our call for help. The people of Medina have driven our clan out of the city.”<ref>Ibn Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh, vol. 4, p. 114; Wafa’ al-Wafa’, vol. 1, p. 127</ref>

This letter reached Yazid at night. Yazid went to the mosque immediately, got on the pulpit and called out, “O people of Sham. ‘Uthman ibn Muhammad ibn Abu Sufiyan, the governor of Medina, has written to me saying that the people of Medina have expelled the family members of Bani Umayyah and all our partisans out of the city. I swear upon Allah, swallowing this news is harder for me than living without the beauties and pleasures of the world.”<ref>Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, vol. 2, p. 9; Al-Mahasin wa al-Masawi, vol. 1, p. 46.</ref>

===Dispatching the army to Medina===
At first, Yazid chose Dahhak ibn Qays Fihri to be the army commander responsible for carrying out the attack on Medina, but he declined to accept this responsibility. Then Yazid chose ‘Amru ibn Sa‘id Ashdaq. He also declined to accept the responsibility. After him, Yazid chose ‘Ubayd Allah ibn Ziyad. However, all three men, in one way or another, refused to carry out this responsibility.<ref>Al-Futuh, vol. 3, p. 179; Ibn Sa‘d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. 5, p. 176; Ibn Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh, vol. 4, p. 11.</ref>

Finally, a man named Muslim ibn ‘Aqaba accepted to be responsible for carrying out the attack on Medina. Yazid appointed him as army commander for this confrontation. This man agreed to carry out this responsibility in spite of the fact that he was an ill person aged over ninety years.<ref>Al-Futuh, vol. 3, p. 180</ref>

Government heralds called out, “O people! Mobilize for war with the people of Hijaz and come to collect your reward.” The government was handing out a hundred dinars in cash to every person who was ready to go to war. It was not long before nearly twelve thousand people were gathered. According to another report, twenty thousand mounted soldiers and seven thousand ground forces were mobilized.<ref>Ibn Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh, vol. 4, p. 112; Wafa’ al-Wafa’, vol. 1, p. 128</ref>

Yazid paid two hundred dinars to every mounted soldier and one hundred dinars to every soldier of the ground forces. He then ordered them to march towards Medina in company with Muslim ibn ‘Aqaba.<ref>Tarikh Tabari, vol. 4, p. 371; Akhbar al-Tuwal, p. 310</ref>

Yazid himself accompanied the army for a distance of about three kilometres before he bade them farewell.<ref>Ibn Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh, vol. 4, p. 56</ref> Sham Christians eager to fight the Muslims of Medina could also be seen among the soldiers of Yazid’s army.<ref>Tarikh al-‘Arab, vol. 1, p. 248</ref>

Yazid gave the following orders to Muslim ibn ‘Aqaba, “Invite the people of Medina to pay allegiance to me three times. If they respond positively and pay allegiance, let them go free. However, if they do not respond positively and refuse to pay allegiance, fight them. If you triumph over them, continue the massacre for three days.

Anything that belongs to that city will be permissible for your army to loot. Do not stop the Sham army from doing whatever it wishes with its enemy. After three days, stop the killing and pillaging. Then, again ask for allegiance from the people. They should promise to be Yazid’s slaves and servants. When you leave Medina, move towards Mecca for another attack and confrontation.”<ref>Akhbar al-Tuwal, p. 310; Ibn Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh, vol. 4, p. 112; Al-Futuh, vol. 3, p. 180</ref>

Muslim ibn ‘Aqaba marched from Wadi al-Qura’ towards Medina with his soldiers. They camped at a place called “Jurf”, which was three kilometers from Medina.<ref>Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, vol. 1, p. 211</ref>

On the other side, the people of Medina were preparing themselves for confrontation and defence. They had been informed that the people of Sham were moving towards Medina.

When the army of Sham got close to Medina, ‘Abd Allah ibn Hanzala called the people to the Prophet’s Mosque. The people assembled near the Prophet’s pulpit. ‘Abd Allah ibn Hanzala requested that anyone who concurred with him about this uprising should pay allegiance and promise to stand by him to the death. The people responded positively and paid allegiance to him. They promised to stand by his side to the death.

‘Abd Allah went on the pulpit. After praising Allah and mentioning a few other issues, he said, “O people of Medina! We have rebelled for no other reason save that Yazid is a fornicating and adulterous man. He is a drunkard who does not pray. Tolerating his reign will bring Allah’s punishment and tribulation upon us...”<ref>Ibn Sa‘d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. 5, p. 47</ref>

===Confrontation between Sham army and forces of Medina===
To protect Medina, the Islamic resistance forces of Medina used a trench which had remained since the Prophet’s time. They neglected the eastern part of the city because they believed that there was a remote possibility that the Sham army would begin their attack from the rugged rocky area.

They thought that even if the Sham army were to begin their attack from this area, it was still improbable for them to achieve any success. However, the Sham army took them by surprise and began its attack on Medina from that same stony area which the Islamic resistance forces had ignored.

The battle continued from morning up to afternoon. The Islamic forces of Medina were fighting and resisting fiercely. At noon, ‘Abd Allah ibn Hanzala asked one of his slaves to watch and protect him from behind so that he could recite his prayers. ‘Abd Allah then recited his prayers and returned to the battlefront to lead the valiant resistance against the Sham army.<ref>Ibid., p. 48; Al-I‘lam, vol. 4, p. 234</ref>

Muslim ibn ‘Aqaba asked Marwan to help him enter Medina. Marwan went to Medina and visited the tribe of Bani Harthah. There, he called for a man he was acquainted with and in the process of a secret conversation, Marwan managed to persuade this traitor to show him the way for the Sham army to penetrate Medina in return for generous rewards.

He showed Marwan a way which passed through the area of the tribe of Bani al-Ashhal and the Sham army used this route to infiltrate Medina.<ref>Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, vol. 1, p. 211; Akhbar al-Tuwal, p. 310; Wafa’ al-Wafa’, vol. 1, p. 129</ref>

The first line of the Islamic resistance fighters responsible for defending Medina suddenly heard the shout of ‘Allah-u Akbar’ by the Sham army from right inside Medina. It was not long before they realized that they were being attacked from behind by the Sham army. Many of the Islamic resistance fighters left the battlefield and returned to Medina in order to defend their women and children.

The Sham army attacked and killed innocent civilians from every direction. When ‘Abd Allah ibn Hanzala was finally killed, the Sham army gained the upper hand against the resistance movement of Medina. Finally, they gained complete control of the whole city.<ref>Wafa’ al-Wafa’, vol. 1, p. 130</ref>

==Massacre and looting of property in Medina==
Ibn Qutaybah recounts that, “‘The Sham army entered Medina on the twenty seventh day of Dhu al-Hijjah in 63 AH. For three days Medina was plundered by the Sham army up to the appearance of the new moon of the month of Muharram.”<ref>Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, vol. 1, pp. 220-221</ref>

Following Yazid ibn Mu‘awiya’s orders, and after the seizure of Medina, Muslim ibn ‘Aqaba told his soldiers, “Your hands are open and you are free to do whatever you want. You must plunder and loot Medina for three days.”<ref>Ibid., vol. 2, p. 10</ref>

Thus, the city of Medina was subjected to wholesale murder and plunder by the Sham army. Everything was permissible for the Sham soldiers. No man or woman remained safe from their harm. The civilians of Medina were killed and their property was looted.<ref>Al-Futuh, vol. 3, p. 181; Ibn Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh, vol. 4, p. 17</ref>

The brutal and wholesale massacre of the people of Medina was detestable. It was loathsome to see the descendants of the Prophet’s companions, the Helpers and the Immigrants being butchered. The looting was despicable. However, the wholesale violation of females by the depraved and reckless soldiers of Sham was more contemptible and disgraceful than all else.

In this invasion of the Prophet’s city, thousands of women were violated. Thousands of children were born whose fathers were not known and these children later became known as ‘the Children of Harra [awlad al-harrah].’<ref>Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, vol. 2, p. 10; Al-Futuh, vol. 3, p. 181; Al-Bada’ wa al-Tarikh, vol. 6, p. 14; Wafiyyat al-A‘yan, vol. 6, p. 276; Tarikh al-Khulafa’, p. 209.</ref>

The streets of Medina were filled with dead bodies. Blood flowed on the ground up to the Prophet’s Mosque.<ref>Ibn Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh, vol. 4, p. 113</ref> Children were mercilessly killed in their mothers’ arms.<ref>Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, vol. 1, p. 215</ref> The elderly companions of the Holy Prophet were exposed to torture and dishonor.<ref>Akhbar al-Tuwal, p. 314</ref>

The scale of the killings was so great that because of his extravagance in killing people, Muslim ibn ‘Aqaba was from then onward nicknamed “Musrif” ibn ‘Aqaba which in the Arabic language means ‘the one who is extravagant’. After this horrendous event, the people of Medina wore black mourning clothes and the sounds of their weeping could be heard from their homes for up to one year.<ref>Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, vol. 1, p. 220</ref>

Ibn Qutaybah narrates, “On the day of Harrah, eighty companions of the Prophet were killed and after that day there was no Badri (person that took part in the Battle of Badr) left. Seven hundred members of the Quraysh and Ansar (helpers) were put to death and ten thousand innocent people of the community were killed from among Arabs, the tabi‘in and other virtuous people of Medina.”<ref>Ibid., p. 216; Al-Bidayah wa al-Nihayah, vol. 8, p. 242</ref>

Suyuti writes, “In the year 63 of the Islamic calendar, the people of Medina rebelled against Yazid. They even dismissed him from the caliphate. In retaliation, Yazid sent a huge army towards them with orders to kill anyone who had rebelled. After that, the army was commanded to go to Mecca and kill Ibn Zubayr.

The Sham army came to the holy city of Medina and the event of Harrah came to pass. But what can make one comprehend what the event of Harrah was? Al-Hasan once narrated, ‘I swear upon Allah! There was no man who was spared in that event. A large number of the Prophet’s companions and other people were killed. Medina was looted and a thousand virgin girls were violated. We are from Allah and to whom is our return!’

Allah’s Prophet had said,

من أخاف أهل المدینة اخافه الله وعلیه لعنة الله والملائکة والناس أجمعین.

‘Anyone who terrorizes and intimidates the people of Medina will be terrorized by Allah and may the curse of Allah, the angels and all the people be upon him.’

This hadith has been narrated by Muslim’."<ref>Tarikh al-Khulafa’, p. 209; Siyr A‘lam al-Nubala’, vol. 4, pp. 37-38</ref>

Ibn Qutaibah recounts, “When Muslim ibn ‘Aqaba finished his killing and looting in Medina, he wrote to Yazid, ‘Peace upon thee O leader of the believers… I did not recite the noon [zuhr] prayers until I conquered Medina and prayed right in the Prophet’s Mosque. This was, however, after a lot of killing and extensive looting. In keeping with your command, we followed anyone who escaped and killed all those who were wounded. We looted their houses three times just as you, the commander of the faithful, had ordered.”<ref>Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, vol. 1, p. 218</ref>

Sibt ibn al-Jawzi narrates from Mada’ini in a book named “Harrah”, that Zuhri said, “On the day of Harrah, seven hundred people, among them the elders of the Quraysh, the Helpers, the Immigrants, and the well-+-known and honored of Medina were killed.

In addition to this, ten thousand others including men, women and slaves were killed. There was so much bloodshed in Medina that blood reached the Prophet’s tomb, and his mosque and garden were filled with blood.”

Mujahid says, “The people of Medina even took refuge in the Prophet’s quarters and at his pulpit but there were swords that would even enter these places.”

Mada’ini quotes from Ibn Qarrah who quotes Hisham ibn Hisan, “After the event of Harrah, a thousand unmarried women gave birth to children whose fathers were not known.” Apart from Mada’ini, other historians too have narrated that a thousand women without husbands gave birth after this event.<ref>Tadhkirah al-Khawass, pp. 259-260; Al-Bidayah wa al-Nihayah, vol. 8, p. 242; Tahdhib al-Tahdhib, vol. 2, p. 316.</ref>

==Some well-known people who were executed==
After gaining victory over the people of Medina, Muslim ibn ‘Aqaba called for an assembly of some of the well-known personalities of the uprising. After a special and summary trial, he condemned all of them to death. The purposen of these trials was to force these prominent people to promise publicly to be Yazid’s loyal slaves and servants.<ref>Al-Futuh, vol. 2, p. 182</ref>

Some of the most prominent people that were tried and executed include:

1. Abu Bakr ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn Ja‘far ibn Abu Talib,<ref>Al-Nihayah al-Arb, vol. 6, p. 227</ref>

2. Two daughters of Zaynab (daughter of Umm Salamah),<ref>Ibid</ref>

3. Abu Bakr ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Umar ibn Khattab.<ref>Al-Ma‘arif, p. 187</ref>

4. Ma‘qul ibn Sanan (One of the standard-bearers of the Prophet during the conquest of Mecca),<ref>Wafa’ al-Wafa’, vol. 1, p. 133</ref>

5. Fadl ibn ‘Abbas ibn Rabi‘ah ibn Harith ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib,<ref>Al-Nihayah al-Irb, vol. 6, p. 227</ref>

6. Abu Sa‘id Khudri (One of the Prophet’s companions that had accompanied the Prophet in twelve of the holy wars [ghazwahs]),<ref>Hilyah al-Awliya’, vol. 1, p. 369</ref>

7. ‘Abd Allah ibn Muti‘.<ref>Nasab al-Quraysh, p. 384</ref>

==Jabir and the event of Harra==
Ibn Qutaybah writes, “Jabir was a blind man when the event of Harrah took place. He used to walk on the streets of Medina and say, ‘May the person who tormented Allah and the Holy Prophet perish!’ A man asked him, ‘Who terrorized Allah and his Prophet?’

Jabir answered, ‘I heard Allah’s Prophet say, ‘Anyone who terrorizes the people of Medina has tormented that which I hold dear.’’ A man from Sham who happened to hear this conversation attacked Jabir with a sword intending to kill him. Marwan stopped that man and ordered Jabir to be taken home.”<ref>Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, vol. 1, p. 214</ref>

It has to be mentioned, however, that one of the houses which was attacked and looted by the Sham army was that of Jabir. All of his household property was plundered.

==Source==

*[https://alhassanain.org/The%20Uprising%20of%20Ashura%20and%20Responses%20to%20Doubts/The_Uprising_of_Ashura_and_Responses_to_Doubts_html/the_uprising_of_ashura_edited.htm ‘Ali Asghar Ridwani, The Uprising of Ashura and Responses to Doubts]

==References==
[[Category:History]]
[[Category:Post-Karbala Uprisings]]
[[Category:Events of the Umayyad Dynasty]]
<references />

The Battle of Harra

2021-11-22T11:08:36Z

Heydari:

'''The Battle of Harra''' (Arabic: الواقعة الحرّة) took place in the sixty-third year of the Islamic calendar during the reign of [[Yazid]] ibn Mu‘awiya between the powerful armies of Sham under the commandership of Muslim b. 'Uqba and the people of Medina. In this event, many people including 80 of the [[Prophet Muhammad]]'s companions and 700 of Quran memorizers (hafiz) were killed, and people's property was plundered.

==Meaning of Harra==
Harrah literally means a rocky and uneven terrain full of black stones which make passage through it quite difficult. This well-known event acquired its name because the assault, which the government armies of Sham made on the ordinary people of Medina, began in a rocky eastern region of Medina.<ref>Ibn Qutaybah, ‘Uyun al-Akhbar, vol. 1, p. 238.</ref>

The event of Harrah which occurred during the reign of Bani Umayyah, is known to have been a horrible crime. Ibn Mushkuwiyyah narrates, “The incident of Harrah is one of the most dreadful and formidable events of history.”<ref>Tajarub al-Umam, vol. 2, p. 79.</ref>

==Origins of the uprising of the people of Medina==
The uprising by the people of Medina occurred in 63 AH. It was more a peoples’ uprising against government policies as well as an uprising against Yazid’s authoritative reign and Bani Umayyah’s tyrannical sultanate. The uprising of the people of Medina was a popular and self-perpetuating social movement rooted in the people’s unanimous rejection of the rule of Yazid and Bani Umayyah.

The group of the Helpers [ansar] had chosen ‘Abd Allah ibn Hanzala to be their army commander and leader in the confrontation with Bani Umayyah and the Quraysh appointed ‘Abd Allah ibn Matih to be their commander.<ref>Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. 5, p. 106; Tarikh Tabari, vol. 4, p. 368.</ref>

This uprising was caused by various factors:

====Religious sentiments====
Medina has always been an exceptionally important city because it is the city of Allah’s Prophet and the land where the divine message grew, developed and flourished. It is the land where divine knowledge and wisdom where introduced. It was in Medina where the Prophet’s way of life was explained and people were instructed based on that.

Medina is the land where people learned Qur’anic commentary and interpretation of the divine message from the Holy Prophet himself. The Prophet’s distinguished companions, including the Helpers [ansar] and the Immigrants [muhajirin], had lived there since the Holy Prophet’s time. After the Prophet’s death, some of his most renowned companions preferred to stay in that city because of the fond memories they held about Allah’s Prophet.

It is evident why the people of Medina had a fervent inclination towards Islamic tenets and stronger religious sentiments than the people of Sham; they were more familiar with the Prophet’s conduct [sunnah] and that of his successors and companions. It was for this reason that they were able to discern the wrong ways of Bani Umayyah earlier than others.

It was the people of Medina who previously were the first to voice their objections to ‘Uthman. Now, these same people were experiencing the rule of a raw inexperienced youth called Yazid ibn Mu‘awiya. Accordingly, their disapproval and protest against Yazid sprang up.

‘Uthman ibn Muhammad ibn Abu Sufiyan, the governor of Medina, had sent a group of men consisting of Immigrants and Helpers to meet with the caliph in Damascus, so they could present their grievances to Yazid and so Yazid could bestow gifts upon them to silence them.<ref>Tarikh Tabari, vol. 4, p. 368; Al-‘Aqd al-Farid, vol. 5, p. 135.</ref> During this meeting, not only did Yazid fail to win them over to his side, but his ignorant behavior proved his incompetence to them.<ref>Al-Futuh, vol. 3, p. 179.</ref>

When they returned to Medina, they explained what they had seen from Yazid. They gathered in the Holy Prophet’s Mosque and started shouting to the people, “We have come from meeting a person who is depraved of religion, drinks wine, plays the tambourine and spends the night with base men, slave girls and female singers and as a result has abandoned prayer.”<ref>Tarikh Tabari, vol. 4, p. 368; Al-Bidayah wa al-Nihayah, vol. 6, p. 233.</ref>

The people asked ‘Abd Allah ibn Hanzala what news he had brought from the caliph. He replied, “I am coming from meeting a man whom, I swear by Allah, I would have fought if no one were present except my sons.” The people said, “We have heard that Yazid has given you money and gifts.”

‘Abd Allah answered, “It is true, but I accepted his money and gifts only for the purpose of using it to acquire and prepare an army against Yazid himself.” In this way, ‘Abd Allah started inciting and instigating the people against Yazid and the people responded positively to his calls for an uprising.<ref>Ibid</ref>

Suyuti writes, “The reason for the uprising of the people of Medina was that Yazid had exceeded all bounds and every limit in committing sins.”<ref>Tarikh al-Khulafa’, p. 209</ref>

====Karbala and the martyrdom of Imam al-Hussain====
Ibn Khaldun recounts, “When Yazid’s tyranny and the oppression by his deputies became widespread, and after he killed the Prophet’s son, the people of Medina started a rebellion and uprising.”<ref>Ibn Khaldun, Tarikh, vol. 2, p. 37</ref>

When Bashir ibn Jadhlam brought the news of the [[martyrdom]] of Imam [[Hussain ibn Ali|al-Hussain]] and the taking of captives, it seemed in Medina as though the trumpet had been blown announcing the Day of Resurrection. The women of Medina came out of their homes and marched towards the city gates. Men, women and children, came out of their houses barefoot shouting, “O Muhammad! Alas Muhammad! O al-Hussain! O al-Hussain! O al-Hussain!” It was very similar to the day the Holy Prophet passed away.<ref>Maqtal Abi Mukhnaf, p. 200</ref>

Imam [[ʿAli b. al-Hussain|al-Sajjad]] made a sermon and his words had a strong effect on the people of Medina. In addition to that, [[Zaynab]] and other women, all mothers who had lost children in the battle of [[Karbala]], gave public speeches and detailed what had occurred at [[Karbala]]. Each of the survivors was explaining the event of [[Ashura]] and what had transpired at Karbala. They also gave comprehensive accounts of what had taken place for the captives on the way from [[Kufa]] to Sham and their meeting with Yazid. All this news had a deep impact on the community of Medina.

===Political chaos and disorganization===
One of the main causes for the uprising by the people of Medina against the Umayyad government was the immoral behavior and corruption that characterized political decisions. ‘Abd Allah ibn Zubayr wrote a letter to Yazid ibn Mu‘awiya in which he criticized Walid ibn ‘Aqaba, Yazid’s governor and representative in Medina.<ref>Nihayah al-Arab, vol. 6, p. 216</ref>

Ibn Zubayr wrote, “You have sent a harsh and brutal man for us. He does not pay the least attention to what is right and just. He does not pay any attention to the advice of well-wishers, nor does he heed the words of the wise. If you had sent a flexible person, we could be hopeful that complicated work might be made easier.”

Later, Yazid relieved Walid ibn ‘Aqaba of his post and replaced him with ‘Uthman ibn Muhammad ibn Abu Sufiyan. ‘Uthman, too, was an arrogant and vain youth who lacked experience.<ref>Ibid</ref> It was during his time as governor of Medina that the event of Harrah took place.<ref>Al-Ma‘arif, p. 345</ref>

The accumulation of the mentioned factors laid the groundwork for an explosion; the only thing that was needed was a spark and it came as follows: Ibn Mina, Yazid’s financial representative and the man responsible for collecting tax, decided to take all the wealth he collected from Harrah to Sham for Yazid.

A group of protesters from Medina blocked his way. They confiscated all the tax and wealth which Ibn Mina was carrying. Ibn Mina reported the issue to ‘Uthman ibn Muhammad ibn Abu Sufiyan, the governor of Medina. ‘Uthman reported the issue to Yazid ibn Mu‘awiya in a letter he sent to Sham. As a result of this, Yazid was incited against the people of Medina.<ref>Tarikh Ya‘qubi, vol. 2, p. 250; Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, vol. 1, p. 206</ref>

Yazid became very angry when he heard this news. He said, “I swear by Allah! I will send a large army towards them, and in this way I will crush them under the feet of horses.”<ref>Wafa’ al-Wafa’, vol. 1, p. 127</ref>

==Direct confrontation==
‘Abd Allah ibn Hanzala invited the people for the ultimate confrontation with Yazid ibn Mu‘awiya and the whole of Bani Umayyah. His good public standing was the reason the people trusted him and gathered around him. They even elected him to be the governor of Medina and paid their allegiance to him and deposed Yazid ibn Mu‘awiya from the caliphate.<ref>Ibn Sa‘d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. 5, p. 47</ref>

After this, the people expelled Yazid’s agent, ‘Uthman ibn Muhammad ibn Abu Sufiyan, from the city of Medina. This happened on the first day of the month of [[Muharram]], the year of the Islamic calendar (hijrah).

Then, they imprisoned all the family members of Bani Umayyah and their partisans among the Quraysh in the house of Marwan Hakam. They did not, however, harm the prisoners in any way.<ref>Ibid., Ibn Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh, vol. 4, p. 111; Ibn Khaldun, Tarikh, vol. 2, p. 37</ref>

The deposed governor of Medina sent his torn shirt along with a letter to Sham imploring for help. He wrote to Yazid, “Answer our call for help. The people of Medina have driven our clan out of the city.”<ref>Ibn Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh, vol. 4, p. 114; Wafa’ al-Wafa’, vol. 1, p. 127</ref>

This letter reached Yazid at night. Yazid went to the mosque immediately, got on the pulpit and called out, “O people of Sham. ‘Uthman ibn Muhammad ibn Abu Sufiyan, the governor of Medina, has written to me saying that the people of Medina have expelled the family members of Bani Umayyah and all our partisans out of the city. I swear upon Allah, swallowing this news is harder for me than living without the beauties and pleasures of the world.”<ref>Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, vol. 2, p. 9; Al-Mahasin wa al-Masawi, vol. 1, p. 46.</ref>

===Dispatching the army to Medina===
At first, Yazid chose Dahhak ibn Qays Fihri to be the army commander responsible for carrying out the attack on Medina, but he declined to accept this responsibility. Then Yazid chose ‘Amru ibn Sa‘id Ashdaq. He also declined to accept the responsibility. After him, Yazid chose ‘Ubayd Allah ibn Ziyad. However, all three men, in one way or another, refused to carry out this responsibility.<ref>Al-Futuh, vol. 3, p. 179; Ibn Sa‘d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. 5, p. 176; Ibn Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh, vol. 4, p. 11.</ref>

Finally, a man named Muslim ibn ‘Aqaba accepted to be responsible for carrying out the attack on Medina. Yazid appointed him as army commander for this confrontation. This man agreed to carry out this responsibility in spite of the fact that he was an ill person aged over ninety years.<ref>Al-Futuh, vol. 3, p. 180</ref>

Government heralds called out, “O people! Mobilize for war with the people of Hijaz and come to collect your reward.” The government was handing out a hundred dinars in cash to every person who was ready to go to war. It was not long before nearly twelve thousand people were gathered. According to another report, twenty thousand mounted soldiers and seven thousand ground forces were mobilized.<ref>Ibn Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh, vol. 4, p. 112; Wafa’ al-Wafa’, vol. 1, p. 128</ref>

Yazid paid two hundred dinars to every mounted soldier and one hundred dinars to every soldier of the ground forces. He then ordered them to march towards Medina in company with Muslim ibn ‘Aqaba.<ref>Tarikh Tabari, vol. 4, p. 371; Akhbar al-Tuwal, p. 310</ref>

Yazid himself accompanied the army for a distance of about three kilometres before he bade them farewell.<ref>Ibn Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh, vol. 4, p. 56</ref> Sham Christians eager to fight the Muslims of Medina could also be seen among the soldiers of Yazid’s army.<ref>Tarikh al-‘Arab, vol. 1, p. 248</ref>

Yazid gave the following orders to Muslim ibn ‘Aqaba, “Invite the people of Medina to pay allegiance to me three times. If they respond positively and pay allegiance, let them go free. However, if they do not respond positively and refuse to pay allegiance, fight them. If you triumph over them, continue the massacre for three days.

Anything that belongs to that city will be permissible for your army to loot. Do not stop the Sham army from doing whatever it wishes with its enemy. After three days, stop the killing and pillaging. Then, again ask for allegiance from the people. They should promise to be Yazid’s slaves and servants. When you leave Medina, move towards Mecca for another attack and confrontation.”<ref>Akhbar al-Tuwal, p. 310; Ibn Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh, vol. 4, p. 112; Al-Futuh, vol. 3, p. 180</ref>

Muslim ibn ‘Aqaba marched from Wadi al-Qura’ towards Medina with his soldiers. They camped at a place called “Jurf”, which was three kilometers from Medina.<ref>Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, vol. 1, p. 211</ref>

On the other side, the people of Medina were preparing themselves for confrontation and defence. They had been informed that the people of Sham were moving towards Medina.

When the army of Sham gained proximity to Medina, ‘Abd Allah ibn Hanzala called the people to the Prophet’s Mosque. The people assembled near the Prophet’s pulpit. ‘Abd Allah ibn Hanzala requested that anyone who concurred with him about this uprising should pay allegiance and promise to stand by him to the death. The people responded positively and paid allegiance to him. They promised to stand by his side to the death.

‘Abd Allah went on the pulpit. After praising Allah and mentioning a few other issues, he said, “O people of Medina! We have rebelled for no other reason save that Yazid is a fornicating and adulterous man. He is a drunkard who does not pray. Tolerating his reign will bring Allah’s punishment and tribulation upon us...”<ref>Ibn Sa‘d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. 5, p. 47</ref>

===Confrontation between Sham army and forces of Medina===
To protect Medina, the Islamic resistance forces of Medina used a trench which had remained since the Prophet’s time. They neglected the eastern part of the city because they believed that there was a remote possibility that the Sham army would begin their attack from the rugged rocky area.

They thought that even if the Sham army were to begin their attack from this area, it was still improbable for them to achieve any success. However, the Sham army took them by surprise and began its attack on Medina from that same stony area which the Islamic resistant forces had ignored.

The battle continued from morning up to afternoon. The Islamic forces of Medina were fighting and resisting fiercely. At noon, ‘Abd Allah ibn Hanzala asked one of his slaves to watch and protect him from behind so that he could recite his prayers. ‘Abd Allah then recited his prayers and returned to the battlefront to lead the valiant resistance against the Sham army.<ref>Ibid., p. 48; Al-I‘lam, vol. 4, p. 234</ref>

Muslim ibn ‘Aqaba asked Marwan to help him enter Medina. Marwan went to Medina and visited the tribe of Bani Harthah. There, he called for a man he was acquainted with and in the process of a secret conversation, Marwan managed to persuade this traitor to show him the way for the Sham army to penetrate Medina in return for generous rewards.

He showed Marwan a way which passed through the area of the tribe of Bani al-Ashhal and the Sham army used this route to infiltrate Medina.<ref>Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, vol. 1, p. 211; Akhbar al-Tuwal, p. 310; Wafa’ al-Wafa’, vol. 1, p. 129</ref>

The first line of the Islamic resistant fighters responsible for defending Medina suddenly heard the shout of ‘Allah-u Akbar’ by the Sham army from right inside Medina. It was not long before they realized that they were being attacked from behind by the Sham army. Many of the Islamic resistance fighters left the battlefield and returned to Medina in order to defend their women and children.

The Sham army attacked and killed innocent civilians from every direction. When ‘Abd Allah ibn Hanzala was finally killed, the Sham army gained the upper hand against the resistance movement of Medina. Finally, they gained complete control of the whole city.<ref>Wafa’ al-Wafa’, vol. 1, p. 130</ref>

==Massacre and looting of property in Medina==
Ibn Qutaybah recounts that, “‘The Sham army entered Medina on the twenty seventh day of Dhu al-Hijjah in 63 AH. For three days Medina was plundered by the Sham army up to the appearance of the new moon of the month of Muharram.”<ref>Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, vol. 1, pp. 220-221</ref>

Following Yazid ibn Mu‘awiya’s orders, and after the seizure of Medina, Muslim ibn ‘Aqaba told his soldiers, “Your hands are open and you are free to do whatever you want. You must plunder and loot Medina for three days.”<ref>Ibid., vol. 2, p. 10</ref>

Thus, the city of Medina was subjected to wholesale murder and plunder by the Sham army. Everything was permissible for the Sham soldiers. No man or woman remained safe from their harm. The civilians of Medina were killed and their property was looted.<ref>Al-Futuh, vol. 3, p. 181; Ibn Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh, vol. 4, p. 17</ref>

The brutal and wholesale massacre of the people of Medina was detestable. It was loathsome to see the descendants of the Prophet’s companions, the Helpers and the Immigrants being butchered. The looting was despicable. However, the wholesale violation of females by the depraved and reckless soldiers of Sham was more contemptible and disgraceful than all else.

In this invasion of the Prophet’s city, thousands of women were violated. Thousands of children were born whose fathers were not known and these children later became known as ‘the Children of Harra [awlad al-harrah].’<ref>Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, vol. 2, p. 10; Al-Futuh, vol. 3, p. 181; Al-Bada’ wa al-Tarikh, vol. 6, p. 14; Wafiyyat al-A‘yan, vol. 6, p. 276; Tarikh al-Khulafa’, p. 209.</ref>

The streets of Medina were filled with dead bodies. Blood flowed on the ground up to the Prophet’s Mosque.<ref>Ibn Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh, vol. 4, p. 113</ref> Children were mercilessly killed in their mothers’ arms.<ref>Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, vol. 1, p. 215</ref> The elderly companions of the Holy Prophet were exposed to torture and dishonor.<ref>Akhbar al-Tuwal, p. 314</ref>

The scale of the killings was so great that because of his extravagance in killing people, Muslim ibn ‘Aqaba was from then onwards nicknamed “Musrif” ibn ‘Aqaba which in the Arabic language means ‘the one who is extravagant’. After this horrendous event, the people of Medina wore black mourning clothes and the sounds of their weeping could be heard from their homes for up to one year.<ref>Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, vol. 1, p. 220</ref>

Ibn Qutaybah narrates, “On the day of Harrah, eighty companions of the Prophet were killed and after that day there was no Badri (person that took part in the Battle of Badr) left. Seven hundred members of the Quraysh and ansar were put to death and ten thousand innocent people of the community were killed from among Arabs, the tabi‘in and other virtuous people of Medina.”<ref>Ibid., p. 216; Al-Bidayah wa al-Nihayah, vol. 8, p. 242</ref>

Suyuti writes, “In the year 63 of the Islamic calendar, the people of Medina rebelled against Yazid. They even dismissed him from the caliphate. In retaliation, Yazid sent a huge army towards them with orders to kill anyone who had rebelled. After that, the army was commanded to go to Mecca and kill Ibn Zubayr.

The Sham army came to the holy city of Medina and the event of Harrah came to pass. But what can make one comprehend what the event of Harrah was? Al-Hasan once narrated, ‘I swear upon Allah! There was no man who was spared in that event. A large number of the Prophet’s companions and other people were killed. Medina was looted and a thousand virgin girls were violated. We are from Allah and to whom is our return!’

Allah’s Prophet had said,

من أخاف أهل المدینة اخافه الله وعلیه لعنة الله والملائکة والناس أجمعین.

‘Anyone who terrorizes and intimidates the people of Medina will be terrorized by Allah and may the curse of Allah, the angels and all the people be upon him.’

This hadith has been narrated by Muslim’."<ref>Tarikh al-Khulafa’, p. 209; Siyr A‘lam al-Nubala’, vol. 4, pp. 37-38</ref>

Ibn Qutaibah recounts, “When Muslim ibn ‘Aqaba finished his killing and looting in Medina, he wrote to Yazid, ‘Peace upon thee O leader of the believers… I did not recite the noon [zuhr] prayers until I conquered Medina and prayed right in the Prophet’s Mosque. This was, however, after a lot of killing and extensive looting. In keeping with your command, we followed anyone who escaped and killed all those who were wounded. We looted their houses three times just as you, the commander of the faithful, had ordered.”<ref>Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, vol. 1, p. 218</ref>

Sibt ibn al-Jawzi narrates from Mada’ini in a book named “Harrah”, that Zuhri said, “On the day of Harrah, seven hundred people, among them the elders of the Quraysh, the Helpers, the Immigrants, and the well known and honored of Medina were killed.

In addition to this, ten thousand others including men, women and slaves were killed. There was so much bloodshed in Medina that blood reached the Prophet’s tomb, and his mosque and garden were filled with blood.”

Mujahid says, “The people of Medina even took refuge in the Prophet’s quarters and at his pulpit but there were swords that would even enter these places.”

Mada’ini quotes from Ibn Qarrah who quotes Hisham ibn Hisan, “After the event of Harrah, a thousand unmarried women gave birth to children whose fathers were not known.” Apart from Mada’ini, other historians too have narrated that a thousand women without husbands gave birth after this event.<ref>Tadhkirah al-Khawass, pp. 259-260; Al-Bidayah wa al-Nihayah, vol. 8, p. 242; Tahdhib al-Tahdhib, vol. 2, p. 316.</ref>

==Some well-known people who were executed==
After gaining victory over the people of Medina, Muslim ibn ‘Aqaba called for an assembly of some of the well-known personalities of the uprising. After a special and summary trial, he condemned all of them to death. The significance of these trials was to force these prominent people to promise publicly to be Yazid’s loyal slaves and servants.<ref>Al-Futuh, vol. 2, p. 182</ref>

Some of the most prominent people that were tried and executed include:

1. Abu Bakr ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn Ja‘far ibn Abu Talib,<ref>Al-Nihayah al-Arb, vol. 6, p. 227</ref>

2. Two daughters of Zaynab (daughter of Umm Salamah),<ref>Ibid</ref>

3. Abu Bakr ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Umar ibn Khattab.<ref>Al-Ma‘arif, p. 187</ref>

4. Ma‘qul ibn Sanan (One of the standard-bearers of the Prophet during the conquest of Mecca),<ref>Wafa’ al-Wafa’, vol. 1, p. 133</ref>

5. Fadl ibn ‘Abbas ibn Rabi‘ah ibn Harith ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib,<ref>Al-Nihayah al-Irb, vol. 6, p. 227</ref>

6. Abu Sa‘id Khudri (One of the Prophet’s companions that had accompanied the Prophet in twelve of the holy wars [ghazwahs]),<ref>Hilyah al-Awliya’, vol. 1, p. 369</ref>

7. ‘Abd Allah ibn Muti‘.<ref>Nasab al-Quraysh, p. 384</ref>

==Jabir and the event of Harra==
Ibn Qutaybah writes, “Jabir was a blind man when the event of Harrah took place. He used to walk in the streets of Medina and say, ‘May the person who tormented Allah and the Holy Prophet perish!’ A man asked him, ‘Who terrorized Allah and his Prophet?’

Jabir answered, ‘I heard Allah’s Prophet say, ‘Anyone who terrorizes the people of Medina has tormented that which I hold dear.’’ A man from Sham who happened to hear this conversation attacked Jabir with a sword intending to kill him. Marwan stopped that man and ordered Jabir to be taken home.”<ref>Al-Imamah wa al-Siyasah, vol. 1, p. 214</ref>

It has to be mentioned, however, that one of the houses which was attacked and looted by the Sham army was that of Jabir. All of his household property was plundered.

==Source==

*[https://alhassanain.org/The%20Uprising%20of%20Ashura%20and%20Responses%20to%20Doubts/The_Uprising_of_Ashura_and_Responses_to_Doubts_html/the_uprising_of_ashura_edited.htm ‘Ali Asghar Ridwani, The Uprising of Ashura and Responses to Doubts]

==References==
[[Category:History]]
[[Category:Post-Karbala Uprisings]]
[[Category:Events of the Umayyad Dynasty]]
<references />

Hussainiya

2021-11-21T10:01:18Z

Heydari:

{| class="wikitable" align="right"
|-
! colspan="2" align="center" bgcolor="#CCCCCC" |'''Hussainiya'''
|-
| colspan="2" align="center" |[[File:Hosayniyya in yazd.jpg|250px]] ''Hussainia in yazd, iran''
|-
| colspan="1" align="left" |'''Arabic (العربیة)'''
| colspan="1" align="right" |حسینیة (''ḥussainiā'') مأتم (''ma'tam'')
|-
| colspan="1" align="left" |'''Hindi (हिंदी)'''
| colspan="1" align="right" |इमामबाड़ा (''imāmbāṛā'') 
आशुरख़ाना (''āshurkhānā'')
|-
| colspan="1" align="left" |'''Bengali (বাংলা)'''
| colspan="1" align="right" |ইমামবাড়া (''imambaṛa'')
|-
| colspan="1" align="left" |'''Persian (فارسى)'''
| colspan="1" align="right" |حسینیه (''ḥoseyniye'')
|-
| colspan="1" align="left" |'''Urdu ({{Nastaliq|اُردوُ}})'''
| colspan="1" align="right" |{{Nastaliq|امامباڑا}} (''imāmbāṛā'') {{Nastaliq|امامبارگاہ}} (''imāmbārgāh'') {{Nastaliq|عاشور خانہ}} (''āshurxānā'') {{Nastaliq|حسینیہ}} (''huseyniya'')
|}
'''Hussainiya''' is a rather recent name for public buildings in Iran, Iraq and Lebanon that are used by the [[Shiʿa|Shi'a]] for mourning ceremonies, especially during the months of [[Muharram]] and Safar (the first two months in the Muslim calender) wherein the [[martyrdom]] of [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain b. Ali]], grandson of the Prophet, is mourned. Hussainiyas are mainly of austere architecture and generally built according to a similar design as that of a karvansara. Their basic requirement is a large space, open or covered, in which Shias perform the Muharram ceremonies, and lodgings for visiting participants are provided. Thus, the lodgings are built around a courtyard (maydan), which contains the stage, in the form of a square or circular platform (saku)”. <ref>[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/%E1%B8%A4OSAYNIYA “Hosayniya”. Encyclopedia Iranica. March 23, 2012. Retrieved 9 March 2009].</ref>
==Historical Development==
Although mourning ceremonies have been common since the [http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/buyids Buyids] era, no definite date can be set for the emergence of the name hussainiya before the last part of eighteenth century. Until that time these ceremonies were held in royal palatial halls, spacious houses, in streets, and open spaces. Apparently, from the second half of the [http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/safavids Safavid] era the [[tekkeyyeh]] and khaneqa (also khanakha), buildings that originally served as establishments of the dervishes, were gradually transformed into Hussainiyas, often assuming this name from the latter part of the [http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/zand-dynasty Zand] and early [https://www.britannica.com/topic/Qajar-dynasty Qajar] periods onward.
Starting in the mid-1950s, buildings serving similar religious purposes have been named after other imams and [[Shiʿa|Shi'ite]] saints. For instance, in 1996 there were 1358 hussainiya, 148 tekkiyeh, 34 fatimiyya, 32 [[mahdiyya]], and 57 zainabiyya in the Khorasan province. Scores of such buildings built during the last few decades of the twentieth century in the city of [https://www.britannica.com/place/Mashhad Mashhad] bear such names as sajjadiyya, baqiriyya, sadiqiyya, kazimiyya, radawiyya, jawwadiyya, naqawiyya, faskariyya, mahdiyya, fatimiyya, nargisiyya, and zaynabiyya.

Apparently, the religious influence of the Safavid era (1501-1736) led to the building of the ashurkhanas of the Deccan during the reign of the [[Shiʿa|Shi'ite]] [https://www.britannica.com/topic/Qutb-Shahi-dynastyQutb-shahi] dynasty. Mir Muhammad Mu'min Astarabadi (d. 1625), an eminent religious and political figure, is known to have built several of them in and around the city of Hyderabad, establishing a tradition that later spread to the north and other parts of India. The magnificent imambargah of Asaf ad-Dawlah at Lucknow is perhaps the most impressive of this kind of structures ever built. <ref>Rasool Ja’fariyan (2004). “taʿziya”. Encyclopedia of Islam and Muslim World (ed. [[Richard C. Martin|Richard Martin]]). New York: Macmillan.</ref>
==Different Variation==
The idea of building a special permanent place for Ashura rituals gradually spread far beyond Iran and Iraq to other Shi’i communities. As a result of its growing popularity and also adaptation to different Shi’i localities and cultures, it turn out to be known under various names, such as Takiya (place of piety), and Zaynabiyya (in honor of Hussayn’s sister, Zaynab) in Iran; Matam (funeral house) in Bahrain and Oman; and [[Imambareh|Imambara]] (enclosure of the Imam), Imambara (Imam building), Azakhana (mourning house), Ashurkhana (Ashura house), and Taaziyakhana (condolence house) in India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan. <ref>[https://www.amazon.com/Encyclopedia-Islam-World-Religions/dp/0816077452 “Hosayniya”. Encyclopedia of Islam (2009), ed. Juan E. Campo. New York: Checkmark Books] </ref>
==Functions==
The ritual practices conducted at the hussainiya have changed, often depending on local community customs and needs. However, generally these practices involve the commemoration of events surrounding the martyrdom of Imam Hussain and his loyal followers. However, its practices have extended Muharram and Safar to include other activities such as Quran recitation, special ceremonies for Ramadan, charity activities and other religious programs. <ref>[https://www.amazon.com/Encyclopedia-Islam-World-Religions/dp/0816077452 “Hosayniya”. Encyclopedia of Islam (2009), ed. Juan E. Campo. New York: Checkmark Books]</ref> Since hussainiya serves as a focal point for Shi’i gathering, it also plays a really significant role in consolidation of religious identity specially for Shi’i population in diaspora. <ref>[https://www.ucpress.edu/book/9780520204041/making-muslim-space-in-north-america-and-europe Vermon James Schubel (1996). “Karbala as Sacred Space among North American Shi'a” in Making Muslim Space in North America and Europe, edited by Barbara Metcalf, 186-203. Berkeley: University of California Press].</ref>
The recent transformation of hussainiya into political focal points occurred in Iran during the constitutional revolution of 1905-11, a tendency which was later revived by opponents to the rule of Pahlavi. The most significant one is the hussainiya-e Irshad, founded in 1965 in Tehran. It engaged both Ulama and Laity alike and featured the lectures of [[Ali Shari’ati|Ali Shari'ati]]. <ref>[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/%E1%B8%A4OSAYNIYA “Hosayniya”. Encyclopedia Iranica. March 23, 2012. Retrieved 9 March 2009.]</ref>
==List of Famous hussainiya==
1- [[Hussainiya-ye Moshir|hussainiya-e Mushir]]

2- [[hussainiya-e Irshad]]
==Reference==
[[Category: Places]]
[[Category: Islamic Architecture]]
[[Category: Shi’a Islam]]
<references />

Atabat

2021-11-10T10:52:42Z

Heydari:

'''Atabat''', literally means “thresholds,” more fully, ʿatabat-e ʿaliyat or ʿatabat-e (or aʿtab-e) moqaddasa, is “the lofty or sacred thresholds,” the Shiʿite shrine cities of Iraq—[[Najaf]], [[Karbala]], Kazemayn, and Samarra—containing the tombs of six of the Shia imams as well as secondary sites of pilgrimage.
==Najaf==
Najaf is the burial place of [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|'Ali b. Abi Talib]], cousin and son-in-law of the prophet [[Muhammad]], and first in the line of Shi'ite [[imam]]s, who died in 661 C.E.
==Karbala==
[[Karbala]] is where [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain]], ‘Ali's son and the third imam, was martyred in a battle against the [[Umayyad|Umayyads]] (r. 661–750 C.E.) in 680 C.E. It is a cornerstone of Shi'ite belief that Hussain, courageous and principled, went to battle against all odds, and his demise prefigures and embodies the fate of all those who take an active stand against oppression and injustice. The site of Hussain's [[martyrdom]] had emerged as a Muslim holy site by the middle of the seventh century.
==Kadhimiya==
Kadhimiya entered the sacred landscape of Shi'ism in the ninth century, as the burial site of the seventh and ninth imams, [[Musa al-Kazim]] (d. 802 C.E.) and [[Mohammad al-Taqi]] (d. 834 C.E.). Kadhimiya is also the burial site of many a medieval Shi'ite luminary.
==Samarra==
Samarra, which lies at a distance from the rest of the ʻatabat, contains the tombs of the tenth and eleventh imams, [[Ali AL-HADI|Ali al-Naqi]] (d. 868 C.E.) and [[Hasan al-`Askari|Hasan al-'Askari]] (d. 873 C.E.). The twelfth imam entered occultation in Samarra in 941 C.E.
==Functions==
Besides being the place of pilgrimage, the ‘atabat are also significant as centers of Shiʻite learning. Najaf has housed, since the time of the Shaykh al-Ta'ifa Abu Ja'far Muhammad Tusi in the eleventh century, several educational institutions whose scholarly and financial networks have played an important role in determining intellectual and political trends in modern [[Shiʿa|Shiʻism]].
==Political and Religious Importance==
Under Ottoman and later under Iraqi control, the 'atabat have served in recent history as havens against government persecution for those Iranian Shi'ite scholars of the [https://www.britannica.com/topic/Qajar-dynasty Qajar] and the early [https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/pahlavi-dynasty Pahlavi] periods who have spoken out against the ruling establishment at home. Ayatollah Khomeini, the leader of the 1979 Islamic revolution in Iran, was exiled to the ‘atabat (Najaf) by Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlevi in 1963. However, it must also be borne in mind that since the 1980s, the Shi'ite community and religious leaders resident in the atabat were themselves targeted by the [https://www.britannica.com/topic/Bath-Party Ba’this] government of former President Saddam Hussain in Iraq. Minority leaders, the ulema of the ‘atabat, especially of Najaf and Karbala, have been subjected to numerous incarcerations and assassinations, intensified in the wake of the first Gulf War (1991).

Another important feature in the social fabric of the ‘atabat, directly related to their centrality in settling doctrinal orthodoxy and implementing political agendas, is the vast network of patronage and the nature of finances in the shrine cities. These networks are comprised mainly of donations and religious dues provided by the Shi'ite communities worldwide, with significant portions from the merchant classes of northern India, to the maraji' al-taqlid who reside there.
==Bibliography==

*Cole, Juan R. I. “Indian Money and the Shii Shrine Cities of Iraq, 1186–1950." Middle Eastern Studies 22 (1986): 461-480.

*Litvak, Meir. Shiʻi Scholars of Nineteenth-Century Iraq, The Ulama of Najaf and Karbala. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1986.

==Source==

*[https://www.amazon.com/Encyclopedia-Islam-Muslim-Richard-Martin/dp/0028656032 Encyclopaedia Iranica]

[[Category: Holy Cities]]
[[Category: Shi’a Islam]]
[[Category: Shi’a Imams]]

Muharram

2021-11-10T10:25:40Z

Heydari:

'''Muharram,''' the first month of the lunar year, is the focus of annual lamentation rituals performed especially by [[Shiʿa|Shi’a]] Muslims in honor of [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain b. Ali]], the prophet [[Muhammad]]'s grandson, who was martyred on 10th of Muharram, known as [[Ashura]], in the [[battle of Karbala]]. Both in pre-Islamic and Islamic cultures, Muharram is considered a sacred month. It is named Muharram (forbidden) because warfare is forbidden in this month.
==Origins in Pre-Islamic Calendar==
The name, Muharram, is originally not a proper name but an adjective qualifying [[Safar]]. In the pre-Islamic period, the first two months of the old Meccan year were Safar [q.v.] I and II, which is reflected in the dual a potiori of al-Safaran for al-Muharram and Safar; in the old Arab year, the first half year consisted of “Three months of two months each” (the names of each two months were only different in the numbers used in them) (Wellhausen), as the two Safars were followed by two Rabiʿs and two Jumadas. <ref>[https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-2/al-muharram-SIM_5426. brill]</ref> The pre-Islamic Arabs held the lunar month of Muharram to be sacred during which warfare is forbidden.
==Month of Mourning==
All Muslims consider Muharram to be a sacred period, but it is the Shiʿa who have attached special significance to this month. For the Shiʿa, Muharram is a time to commemorate the [[martyrdom]] of the third Imam, Hussain ibn ʿAli, who was killed on the tenth day of the month ([[Ashura]]), at the battle of Karbala, Iraq, in 680 CE. The ritualized remembrance of Imam Hussain, his family, and his loyal supporters, who sacrificed their lives for the cause of Islam, extends far beyond Muharram to the months of Safar and al-Rabiʿ al-Awwal. These days of mourning (ayyam-e ʿaza) are a time for the Shiʿa to collectively remember and mourn Imam Hussain’s sacrifice and martyrdom, as well as to publicly affirm their loyalty to the family of the Prophet Muhammad ([[Ahl-e Bayt]]) and Islam. Over time, Muharram has come to refer to the collectivity of rituals performed to invoke Imam Hussain’s suffering and sacrifice, as well as to maintain the immediacy of Karbala in the Shiʿi collective conscience. <ref>[https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780195390155/obo-9780195390155-0136.xml#obo-9780195390155-0136-div1-0013.%20oxford%20bibliographies oxford bibliographies]</ref>
Muharram is also important in the Sunni tradition, and the ninth and tenth days are days of fasting commemorating when Noah left the ark and when Moses was saved in Egypt. In many parts of the Islamic world, including South Asia and South Africa, Sunnis also participate in Muharram mourning rituals for Imam Hussain and his family, which is considered a way of paying respects to the Prophet Muhammad. Likewise, Muharram has been an occasion for Sunni-Shiʿi violence in places such as Pakistan and Iraq, and for Hindu-Muslim violence in India. <ref>[https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780195390155/obo-9780195390155-0136.xml#obo-9780195390155-0136-div1-0013. oxford bibliographies]</ref>
==Mourning Rituals in Muharram==
During Muharram, the Shiʿa attend mourning assemblies (majles), where they listen to discourses ([[Rawza-Khani|rawza- khwani]]) extolling the idealized qualities (faza’el) and tragic suffering (masa’eb) of Imam Hussain and his family. Memorializing poems of lament are recited ([[marthiya]], salam, and suz), and each majles concludes with the participants beating their chests (Arabic latam; Persian/Urdu matam) in time to rhythmic poems of mourning ([[nawha]]). In Iran and South Asia, replicas of Imam Hussain’s tomb (naql, [[taʿzia]]) are constructed and carried through the streets in processions (jolus). On 9 and 10 Muharram, men solemnly march through the streets in some regions performing various acts of bloodletting [[self-flagellation]], including striking the head with a sharp knife ([[tatbir]], qameh zani) or striking oneself on the back with chains or blades (shamshir zani, [[zanjir zani]]). Since the early 20th century, Shiʿi ulama have debated the impressibility of performing “bloody matam.” In 1994 [[Ayatollah ʿAli Khamenei]] issued a [http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/fatwa fatwa] (legal opinion) prohibiting the performance of matam in which weapons are used to shed blood. Likewise, the leader of the Lebanese organization Hezbollah, Ayatollah Muhammad Hussein Fadlallah, has upheld Khamenei’s fatwa, urging Shiʿa to donate blood on Ashura. These legal opinions reflect the desire to deflect criticism away from Shiʿi Muharram rituals, which are often portrayed as excessively violent. Imam Hussain’s martyrdom is dramatically reenacted in Iran, India, Pakistan, Turkey and the Caucasus, Iraq, and Lebanon in the [[Ta'ziya|ta’ziya]], where village men and professional actors assume the roles of the heroes and villains of Karbala. <ref>[https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780195390155/obo-9780195390155-0136.xml#obo-9780195390155-0136-div1-0013. oxford bibliographies]</ref>

==Hadith on Muharram==
1: Through successive chain of transmitters, Shaikh Saduq relates from Ibn Masroor, from Ibn Amir, from his uncle, from Ibrahim bin Abi Mahmood, who says that Imam [[Ali al-Rida|al-Rida]] said,

Muharram is a month in which bloodshed was considered unlawful by the pre-Islamic pagan Arabs, but our blood was shed in this month. Our sanctity was violated and our children & women-folk were made captives. Our tents were set ablaze and whatever was found therein was looted. And they did not even honor the relation, which we share with the Prophet of Allah. The day on which [[Hussain ibn Ali|Imam Hussain]] was martyred has injured our eyes and our tears are constantly flowing since then. Our dear ones were dishonored on the plains of grief and trials (Karbo bala) making way for sorrows and sufferings until Qiyamah. Thus, sorrowful people should mourn over it (the [[martyrdom]] of Imam Hussain), for weeping upon it nullifies the major sins.”

Then he said,

“When the month of Muharram would approach, no one would see my father (Imam Musa al-Kadhim) ever laughing until the tenth, and grief would prevail upon him. And the tenth would be the day of sorrow, grief and lamenting, and he would say: This is the day when Hussain was massacred.”

2: Through my connecting chain of transmitters reaching Shaikh Saduq, who relates from Talqani, from Ahmad Hamadani, from Ali bin Hasan bin Fazzal who relates from his father that Imam Ali al-Rida said,

“Whoever avoids attending to his worldly affairs on the tenth of Muharram, Allah will fulfill all the wishes and desires of this world as well as the hereafter. Whoever considers this day to be a day of mourning, sorrow and weeping for himself, Allah the Glorified will make the day of Qiyamah to be a day of rejoicing for him and his eyes will be cooled in Paradise on account of us. And whoever considers the tenth of Muharram to be a day of prosperity and buys something for his house (considering it a good omen), then Allah will not give him affluence in that thing. And on the day of Qiyamah he will be made to arise along with [[Yazid]],[[Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad|Obayd-allah bin Ziyad]] and [[Omar Ibn Sa’d|Omar ibn Sa’ad]] (may Allah’s curse be on all of them) and will be thrown into the lowest abyss of hell.”

==Source==

*[http://alhassanain.org/Nafasul%20Mahmum%3B%20Relating%20to%20the%20heart%20rending%20tragedy%20of%20Karbala/Nafasul_Mahmum%3B_Relating_to_the_heart_rending_tragedy_of_Karbala_html/nafasul_mahmum.htm Shaykh 'Abbas Qummi , Nafasul Mahmum; Relating to the heart rending tragedy of Karbala']
*[https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780195390155/obo-9780195390155-0136.xml#obo-9780195390155-0136-div1-0013. Oxford bibliographies]

==Reference==
[[Category: Months of Islamic Calendar]]
[[Category: Month of Mourning]]
[[Category: Shi’a Rituals]]
<references />

Du’a

2021-11-09T19:08:16Z

Heydari:

'''Du’a''' is a prayer of supplication or request. In contrast to the prescribed rituals of Islam, such as the daily prayers, the ''du’a'' is generally a spontaneous, unstructured conversation with God. There are, however, prescribed supplications or ''du’a ma’thur'' that are considered particularly propitious because of their scriptural origins.

Whereas form is essential for the performance of the prescribed rituals, consciousness is central to ''du’a.'' And whereas every ''du’a'' is a form of prayer, only a prayer performed conscientiously becomes a ''du’a.'' The ''du’a'' is the very essence of worship because it venerates God, celebrates His sublime attributes, and puts trust in Him. A ''du’a'' is considered most auspicious when framed broadly to seek protection from evil, solicit the good of this world, and salvation in the afterlife.

For the believer, supplications are always answered, but not in the form of a wish list. A du’a also serves as a medium to ward off evil, or secure grace. A traveler, for instance, is encouraged to read: “In God’s name let its run be, and let its stopping be!”.

 

== The Difference Between Du’a and Ziara==
The Du’a (supplication) is the act of speaking to Allah while [[Ziara]] (visitation) is the act of speaking with the role-models and true examples of the faith sent by Allah. Nevertheless, Ziara itself is a form of speaking with Allah since the individuals being addressed are the prophets and [[Imam]]<nowiki/>s who invite humanity to the worship of the true God and to struggle against the internal and external enemies. Thus, Ziara is nothing more than speaking to Allah through the intermediaries which He himself has appointed in order for us to reach to perfection.

Within the Du’a thought by [[Ahl Al-Bayt|Ahl al-Bayt]], there are four points seen: shedding tears and showing grief, expressing one’s needs, gaining a better understanding of the faith and beliefs, and the invitation to stand up and fight against the enemies- internal and external.

 

==Imam Hussain’s Supplications==
[[Al-Asharat supplication|Al-ʿAsharat supplication]]

[[Supplication of 'Arafa|Supplication of Arafa]]

[[Supplication of Alqama|Supplication of ‘Alqama]]

[[Last Supplication of Imam Hussain]]
 

==Bibliography==

*Ghazali'','' Muhammad al-. ''Remembrance and Prayer: The Way of the Prophet Muhammad.'' Translated by Y. T. DeLorenzo. Beltsville, Md.: Amana Publications, 1996.
*Nakamura, Kojiro''. Invocations and Supplications: Book IX of the Revival of the Religious Sciences.'' Cambridge, U.K.: Islamic Texts Society, 1990.

 

==Source==

*Muneer Goolam Fareed (2004). Encyclopedia of Islam and Muslim World. Edited by Richard C. Martin. USA: Macmillan; P: 691. <nowiki>ISBN 0-02-865912-0</nowiki>
*Ali Asqhar Azizi Tehrani, Commentary of Ziarat Ashura; a brief commentary, CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform (February 25, 2014)

[[Category:Supplications]]
[[Category:Concepts and Beliefs]]
[[Category:Islamic Terminologies]]
[[Category:Azadari Culture]]

Marthiya

2021-11-09T19:00:42Z

Heydari:

'''Marthiya''' (A., pl. Marathi) "elegy," a poem composed in Arabic (or in an Islamic language following the Arabic tradition) to lament the passing of a beloved person and to celebrate his merits; rithiaʾ, from the same root, denotes both lamentation and the corresponding literary genre.

== Introduction ==
Elegiac poetry (marthiya; on Persian marthiya literature dedicated to the martyrs of Karbala and other Shiʿite sacred figures<ref>see Calmard, 1975, pp. 193 ff., 510 ff.; Clarke, pp. 13-28; Hanaway; and Haywood</ref> ) in Arabic and Persian about the [[Ahl al-Bayt]], particularly [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain]] and the [[Martyrs of Karbala|Karbala martyrs]], was increasingly composed by authors of both [[Shiʿism|Shiʿite]] and [[Sunnis|Sunnite]] persuasion. Under the Seljuqs (1038-1194), this devotional literature spread widely through storytellers. During this time, elegies (marathi) and eulogies ([[manaqeb]]) continued to be composed, in Arabic, Persian, and Turkish, by learned theologians, poets, and popular storytellers.

== Source ==

* [https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-2/marthiya-COM_0691 Encyclopaedia of Islam]
* [https://iranicaonline.org/articles/hosayn-b-ali-ii Iranica Online]

== Reference ==

[[Category:Shi’a Literature]]
[[Category:Azadari Culture]]
[[Category:Mourning Rituals]]

Ta'ziya

2021-11-08T17:12:06Z

Heydari:

{{Infobox performing art
| name = Ta'ziya
| image = Eternal Performance Taziyeh.jpg
| caption = '''Ta'ziya''' is a ritual dramatic art that recounts religious events, historical and mythical stories and folk tales.
| medium =
| types =
| ancestor =
| descendant =
| culture = [https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/ritual-dramatic-art-of-taziye-00377 Inscribed in 2010 (5.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity]
| era = Asia and Australasia
}}
'''Ta'ziya''' is an Islamic Shi'ite ritual performed mainly in Iran. The Arabic term ta'ziya (Per., Ta'ziyeh) means to mourn or to offer one's condolences for a death. It is also sometimes called ta’ziya khani, or shabih khani. The term taʻziya has been used primarily in Iran to refer to a Shi'ite religious ritual consisting of a theatrical re-enactment of the tragic seventh century Battle of [[Karbala]]. This historic battle was fought between the followers of prophet [[Prophet|Muhammad]]'s grandson, [[Hussain ibn Ali|Imam Hussain]] and the troops of the second [[Umayyad]] caliph [[Yazid]]. While taʼziya performance rituals have been mostly restricted to Iran, the Shi'a of South Asia and Iraq use the term taʻziya to refer to a model or replica of Hussain's tomb, which they use in their ritual processions, after which they are ritually discarded.
==The Battle of Karbala==
Accounts of the Battle of Karbala can be summarized as follows. In the year 680 C.E., Hussain, who was also the third imam of the [[Shiʿa|Shi'a]], was killed in the desert of southern Iraq along with over seventy of his family and close friends by troops loyal to the caliph Yazid. The women and children were taken prisoner and paraded in various cities, adding to the humiliation the move also provided opportunities for these women, particularly Hussain's sister [[Zaynab]], to speak out publicly against Yazid. Yazid is portrayed by the Shias as notoriously corrupt, immoral, and oppressive. Hence, Hussain's movement and subsequent [[martyrdom]] is understood by the Shiʻa as an epic struggle between good and evil. For the Shi a this event has served as a vindication of the Shi'ite cause in the face of [[Sunni]] criticism, as well as constituting the central event in their understanding of human history.
==Historical Development==
[[File:A Ta'ziyeh company of Late Qajar era.jpg|thumb|438x438px|[http://www.iranchamber.com/cinema/articles/taziyeh_drag_kings_queens.php A Ta'ziyeh company of Late Qajar era.jpg]]]
Following the battle itself, popular elegies of the martyrs were composed. However, the earliest reliable account of the performance of public mourning rituals was recorded in 963 C.E. during the reign of Mu'izz al-Dawla, the [http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/buyids Buyid] ruler of southern Iran and Iraq. When the [http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/safavids Safavid] dynasty came to power in Iran a new type of ritual called [[Rawza-Khani|rawza-khani]] emerged, consisting mainly of a ritual sermon recounting and mourning the tragedy of Karbala. This ritual was based on texts like Hussain Va'ez Kashfi's 1502 composition entitled [[Rawzat al-shuhada]] (The garden of martyrs). Kashfi's text was a synthesis of a long line of historical accounts of Karbala by religious scholars.
By the time the [https://www.britannica.com/topic/Qajar-dynasty Qajar] dynasty took power in Iran in 1796, the rawza-khani ritual had evolved into the much more elaborate ritual called shabih-khani or taʼziya. The ta’ziya, an elaborate theatrical performance of the Karbala story based on the same narratives used in the rawza-khani, involved a large cast of professional and amateur actors, a director, a staging area, costumes, and props.

The heyday of ta'ziya was the Qajar era (1796–1925). The most elaborate example of Qajar patronage of taʻziya was the [[Takiya Dawlat]], which was built in Tehran in 1873 by the order of the Iranian monarch [https://www.britannica.com/biography/Naser-al-Din-Shah Naser al-Din Shah]. This takiya was built on a very grand scale. Nevertheless, it was in most ways a typical takiya. It consisted of a large circular amphitheater with several entrances surrounding a large open area; a tent was used as a roof. Its primary purpose was to provide a staging area for the most elaborate ta’ziya performances. Lady Sheil, a European traveler, resident in Tehran in 1856, gives a brief account of the taʻziya performance in the Takiya Dawlat in 1856, concluding, “It is a sight in no small degree curious to witness an assemblage of several thousand persons plunged in deep sorrow, giving vent to their sorrow” (p. 127).
==Modern Trends==
Following the fall of the Qajar dynasty in the early twentieth century, the ta'ziya slowly declined until it was mostly abandoned in the large cities in the 1930s and 1940s. However, ta'ziyas have continued to exist in Iran on a smaller scale throughout the twentieth century, especially in traditional sectors. There were two reasons for this relative decline. The first Pahlavi king, [https://www.britannica.com/biography/Reza-Shah-Pahlavi Reza Shah], outlawed the ta’ziya. More importantly, as Iranian society changed modernized elites became less interested in sponsoring such traditional ritual events. Scholars of literature and drama as well as government agencies attempted to preserve this theatrical tradition in the 1970s, and again in the 1980s and 1990s. However, unlike the Qajar period, which was the heyday of the taʻziya ritual, the dominant public rituals since the 1930s have been the [[Muharram]] processions, and various forms of the rawza khani.
==Bibliography==

*[[Peter J. Chelkowski|Chelkowski, Peter]], ed. Ta'ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran. New York: New York University Press, 1979.

*[[Mary Elaine Hegland|Hegland, Mary Elaine]]. “The Majales-Shiʻa Women's Rituals of Mourning in Northwest Pakistan.”

*In A Mixed Blessing: Gender and Religious Fundamentalisin Cross Culturally. Edited by Judy Brink and Joan Mencher. New York and London: Routledge, 1997.

*Pelly, Sir Lewis. “The Miracle Play of Hasan and Hussain.” Collected from Oral Traditions. London: Wm. H. Allen and Co., 1879.

==Source==

*[https://www.worldcat.org/title/encyclopedia-of-islam-and-the-muslim-world/oclc/52178942 Kamran Aghaie (2004). Encyclopedia of Islam and Muslim World. Edited by Richard C. Martin. USA: Macmillan; P: 691.] ISBN 0-02-865912-0

[[Category: Shi’i Ritual]]
[[Category: Performing Art]]
[[Category: Ritual Dramatic Art]]

Ta'ziya

2021-11-08T10:41:05Z

Heydari:

{{Infobox performing art
| name = Ta'ziya
| image = Eternal Performance Taziyeh.jpg
| caption = '''Ta'ziya''' is a ritual dramatic art that recounts religious events, historical and mythical stories and folk tales.
| medium =
| types =
| ancestor =
| descendant =
| culture = [https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/ritual-dramatic-art-of-taziye-00377 Inscribed in 2010 (5.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity]
| era = Asia and Australasia
}}
'''Ta'ziya''' is an Islamic Shi'ite ritual performed mainly in Iran. The Arabic term ta'ziya (Per., Ta'ziyeh) means to mourn or to offer one's condolences for a death. It is also sometimes called ta’ziya khani, or shabih khani. The term taʻziya has been used primarily in Iran to refer to a Shi'ite religious ritual consisting of a theatrical re-enactment of the tragic seventh century Battle of [[Karbala]]. This historic battle was fought between the followers of prophet [[Prophet|Muhammad]]'s grandson, [[Hussain ibn Ali|Imam Hussain]] and the troops of the second [[Umayyad]] caliph [[Yazid]]. While taʼziya performance rituals have been mostly restricted to Iran, the Shi'a of South Asia and Iraq use the term taʻziya to refer to a model or replica of Hussain's tomb, which they use in their ritual processions, after which they are ritually discarded.
==The Battle of Karbala==
Accounts of the Battle of Karbala can be summarized as follows. In the year 680 C.E., Hussain, who was also the third imam of the [[Shiʿa|Shi'a]], was killed in the desert of southern Iraq along with over seventy of his family and close friends by troops loyal to the caliph Yazid. The women and children were taken prisoner and paraded in various cities, adding to the humiliation the move also provided opportunities for these women, particularly Hussain's sister [[Zaynab]], to speak out publicly against Yazid. Yazid is portrayed by the Shias as notoriously corrupt, immoral, and oppressive. Hence, Hussain's battle and subsequent [[martyrdom]] is understood by the Shiʻa as an epic struggle between good and evil. For the Shisa this event has served as a vindication of the Shi'ite cause in the face of [[Sunni]] criticism, as well as constituting the central event in their understanding of human history.
==Historical Development==
[[File:A Ta'ziyeh company of Late Qajar era.jpg|thumb|438x438px|[http://www.iranchamber.com/cinema/articles/taziyeh_drag_kings_queens.php A Ta'ziyeh company of Late Qajar era.jpg]]]
Following the battle itself, popular elegies of the martyrs were composed. However, the earliest reliable account of the performance of public mourning rituals was recorded in 963 C.E. during the reign of Mu'izz al-Dawla, the [http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/buyids Buyid] ruler of southern Iran and Iraq. When the [http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/safavids Safavid] dynasty came to power in Iran a new type of ritual called [[Rawza-Khani|rawza-khani]] emerged, consisting mainly of a ritual sermon recounting and mourning the tragedy of Karbala. This ritual was based on texts like Hussain Va'ez Kashfi's 1502 composition entitled [[Rawzat al-shuhada]] (The garden of martyrs). Kashfi's text was a synthesis of a long line of historical accounts of Karbala by religious scholars.
By the time the [https://www.britannica.com/topic/Qajar-dynasty Qajar] dynasty took power in Iran in 1796, the rawza-khani ritual had evolved into the much more elaborate ritual called shabih-khani or taʼziya. The ta’ziya, an elaborate theatrical performance of the Karbala story based on the same narratives used in the rawza-khani, involved a large cast of professional and amateur actors, a director, a staging area, costumes, and props.

The heyday of ta'ziya was the Qajar era (1796–1925). The most elaborate example of Qajar patronage of taʻziya was the [[Takiya Dawlat]], which was built in Tehran in 1873 by the order of the Iranian monarch [https://www.britannica.com/biography/Naser-al-Din-Shah Naser al-Din Shah]. This takiya was built on a very grand scale. Nevertheless, it was in most ways a typical takiya. It consisted of a large circular amphitheater with several entrances surrounding a large open area; a tent was used as a roof. Its primary purpose was to provide a staging area for the most elaborate ta’ziya performances. Lady Sheil, a European traveler, resident in Tehran in 1856, gives a brief account of the taʻziya performance in the Takiya Dawlat in 1856, concluding, “It is a sight in no small degree curious to witness an assemblage of several thousand persons plunged in deep sorrow, giving vent to their sorrow” (p. 127).
==Modern Trends==
Following the fall of the Qajar dynasty in the early twentieth century, the ta'ziya slowly declined until it was mostly abandoned in the large cities in the 1930s and 1940s. However, ta'ziyas have continued to exist in Iran on a smaller scale throughout the twentieth century, especially in traditional sectors. There were two reasons for this relative decline. The first Pahlavi king, [https://www.britannica.com/biography/Reza-Shah-Pahlavi Reza Shah], outlawed the ta’ziya. More importantly, as Iranian society changed modernized elites became less interested in sponsoring such traditional ritual events. Scholars of literature and drama as well as government agencies attempted to preserve this theatrical tradition in the 1970s, and again in the 1980s and 1990s. However, unlike the Qajar period, which was the heyday of the taʻziya ritual, the dominant public rituals since the 1930s have been the [[Muharram]] processions, and various forms of the rawza khani.
==Bibliography==

*[[Peter J. Chelkowski|Chelkowski, Peter]], ed. Ta'ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran. New York: New York University Press, 1979.

*[[Mary Elaine Hegland|Hegland, Mary Elaine]]. “The Majales-Shiʻa Women's Rituals of Mourning in Northwest Pakistan.”

*In A Mixed Blessing: Gender and Religious Fundamentalisin Cross Culturally. Edited by Judy Brink and Joan Mencher. New York and London: Routledge, 1997.

*Pelly, Sir Lewis. “The Miracle Play of Hasan and Hussain.” Collected from Oral Traditions. London: Wm. H. Allen and Co., 1879.

==Source==

*[https://www.worldcat.org/title/encyclopedia-of-islam-and-the-muslim-world/oclc/52178942 Kamran Aghaie (2004). Encyclopedia of Islam and Muslim World. Edited by Richard C. Martin. USA: Macmillan; P: 691.] ISBN 0-02-865912-0

[[Category: Shi’i Ritual]]
[[Category: Performing Art]]
[[Category: Ritual Dramatic Art]]

Maqtal

2021-11-08T10:23:11Z

Heydari:

'''Maqtal''' is a genre of historical monographs narrating the martyrdom of notable Muslim individuals and particularly Shi’a infallible [[Imam]]s. Most of such works, known as Maqtal al-Hussain, have been devoted to the tragedy of [[Karbala]] and [[martyrdom]] of [[Hussain ibn Ali]]. Thus, the term became mostly used for the events related to martyrdom of Imam Hussain and his companions.
==Origin and Characteristics==
While Hussaini Alids remained quiet politically, a tradition of pilgrimage to the tombs of Hussain and the other Karbala martyrs quickly developed. Although they were to be repeatedly destroyed and rebuilt, from [[Abbasid|ʿAbbasid]] times onwards, the tomb and mausoleum (mashhad) also benefited from generous gifts and endowments from rulers of various dynasties, including the Buyids, Seljuqs, Il-Khanids, Safavids, and Qajars, which helped it to survive and flourish. The shrine suffered more recently when it was sacked by the [[Wahhabis]] in 1215/1801. Many pilgrimage ([[ziara]]) texts dedicated to Hussain and the martyrs of Karbala therefore came to be written, which could be recited in actual (or mental) pilgrimages.
In association with this pilgrimage, a genre of religious literature also evolved, called maqtal or maqatel after the Maqtal al-Hussain attributed to the traditionist Abu [[Abu Mikhnaf|Mikhnaf]].<ref>d. 157/774; on Arabic maqtals, see e.g., al-Mowaffaq al-Kharazmi, Maqtal al-Hussain li’l-Kharazmi, Najaf, 1367/1947; ʿAbd-al-Razzaq Musawi, Maqtal al-Ḥosayn aw Hadith Karbala, Najaf, 1383/1963. On Turco-Persian Maqtal literature, see Calmard, 1975, pp. 220 ff.</ref> These texts contain many more stories that are more miraculous and supernatural than historical sources such as Tabari’s Tarikh, and they include accounts of [[Mokhtar]]’s vengeance. Although originally in Arabic, the maqatel inspired the Turkish and Persian maqtal-namas, which were recited by storytellers ([[maddah]]) who also produced other religious epics, such as Abu Moslem-nama, Mokhtar-nama, and Jang-e Mohammad-e Hanafiya. Rather than grief and lamentation, these epics emphasize the theme of vengeance by the so-called “73 avengers of Hussain’s blood,” most of whom are non-historical, such as Mohammad b. al-Hanafiya.
==Further Development==
In addition to these religious epics, elegiac poetry <ref>marthiya; on Persian marṯiya literature dedicated to the martyrs of Karbala and other Shiʿite sacred figures, see Calmard, 1975, pp. 193 ff., 510 ff.; [[Lynda Clarke|Clarke]], pp. 13-28; Hanaway; and Haywood</ref> in Arabic and Persian about the [[Ahl-e Bayt]] (q.v.), particularly Hussain and the Karbala martyrs, was increasingly composed by authors of both Shiʿite and Sunnite persuasion. Under the Seljuqs (1038-1194), this devotional literature spread widely through storytellers. During this time, elegies (marathi) and eulogies(manaqeb) continued to be composed, in Arabic, Persian, and Turkish, by learned theologians, poets, and popular storytellers. A major synthesis of maqatel and manaqeb literature was provided by Hussain-Waʿez Kashefi (d. 910/1504-05) in his [[Rawzat al-Shuhada]]. During the imposition of [[Twelver]] Shiʿism by the [http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/safavids Safavids] (1501-1722), Kashefi’s work became the textbook of preachers, thus called [[rawza]]-khans, who also continued to use material from epic, elegiac, theological, and historical literature.
==Famous Maqatel==

*Maqtal al-Hussain, [[Abu Mikhnaf|Abi Mikhnaf]] died in 157 AH (774 CE)
*Maqtal al-Hussain, Ibn Sa'd died in 230 AH (845CE)
*Maqtal al-Hussain, Baladhuri died in 283 AH (892 CE)
*Maqtal al-Hussain, Dinawari
*Maqtal al-Hussain, Ibn A'tham died in 314AH (926-27 CE)

==References==
{{reflist|30em}}
3. J. Calmard, “Le Culte de l’Imam Hussain. Etude sur la commémoration du drame de Karbala dans l’Iran pré-safavide,” unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Sorbonne, Paris, 1975.

==Source==

*[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/hosayn-b-ali-ii Encyclopædia Iranica]

[[Category:Ashurai Literature]]
[[Category:Literary Styles]]
[[Category:Battle of Karbala]]
[[Category:Written Works]]

Qame-Zani

2021-11-07T11:29:08Z

Heydari:

'''Qame-Zani''', striking the head with a sharp knife, is one of [[Muharram]] rituals. On 9 and 10 Muharram, men solemnly march through the streets performing various acts of bloodletting self-flagellation, including striking the head with a sharp knife (''tatbir'', ''qameh zani'') or striking oneself on the back with chains or blades (''shamshir zani'', ''zanjir zani''). Since the early 20th century, Shiʿi ulama have debated the permissibility of performing “bloody ''matam''.” In 1994 Ayatollah ʿAli Khamenei issued a ''fatwa'' (legal opinion) prohibiting the performance of ''matam'' in which weapons are used to shed blood. Likewise, the leader of the Lebanese organization Hezbollah, Ayatollah Muhammad Hussein Fadlallah, has upheld Khamenei’s ''fatwa'', urging Shiʿa to donate blood on [[Ashura]]. These legal opinions reflect the desire to deflect criticism away from [[Shiʿa|Shiʿi]] Muharram rituals, often portrayed as excessively violent and rooted in superstition.

== source ==

* [http://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780195390155/obo-9780195390155-0136.xml Oxford bibliographies website]

[[Category:Mourning Rituals]]
[[Category:Muharram]]
[[Category:Culture of Azadari]]

Mawkib

2021-11-07T10:52:42Z

Heydari:

The '''Mawakib''' (Plural of Mawkib) are a key medium through which the governance of the [[Arba’een|Arbaeen]] rituals operates. Along the road to Karbala, thousands of Mawakibs are organized to provide pilgrims with a wide range of free services including food, beverage, lodging, religious training, medical services, free international phone call, and almost everything one may need in his path toward Karbala. The central idea regarding Mawkib is that people partake in both the pilgrimage as well as serving of devotees. Indeed, providing services to lovers of Imam Hussain is considered as a pious act of devotion and source of divine blessing as the pilgrimage itself. Thus, one may encounter Mawakeb organizers who even intercept the pilgrims to plead with them to accept their offerings.<ref>Seyed Mahdi al-Modarresi (2015). Word's Biggest Pilgrimage now Underway, and Why you've never heard of it.</ref>Generally speaking, there exists two main types of Mawakib: those dedicated to services (al-khidma), mostly providing food and accommodation to visitors, which may remain active from Ashura to Arbaeen; and those dedicated to mourning (al-'aza), which organize and perform rituals including mourning sessions, mourning processions, visits to Hussain's tomb and so on.
==Terminology ==
The term Mawkib, meaning a procession or parade, was historically used in two different contexts. It was used by Umayyad, Abbasid and Fatimids to often describe the cortege of an amir, wazir or other officials. By the 4th/10th century, it had acquired a broader meaning of audience as well as procession.<ref>The Encyclopedia of Islam, Masrah Mawlid</ref> Moreover, nomads living beside the Euphrates traditionally set up large tents called Mawkib to serve pilgrims and accommodate them.
==Background==
There is little information about the precise history of Mawkib foundation. By considering political difficulties in organizing Hussaini mourning ceremonies amongst Arab Shias, and also the complex nature of labor division in organizing a Mawakeb tent, the establishment is probably related to modern period.
==Structure==
The structure of each Mawkib consists of: the principle and the main authorities, the preacher and the orator, eulogist and sometimes special poet and other servants. Mawakeb work on religious occasions and particularly during [[Muharram]]. Some of Mawakeb are based in their special places called Husseinieh. They generally have religious names and sometimes they are named after their founder or their main activists. Ethnic groups and guilds have their own individual Mawakeb. Mawakeb sometimes are going out from their seating for gathering and moving in public places. They also provide various services for pilgrims such as welfare services, health, food etc. mostly in different routes leading to the city of [[Karbala]] during Arba’een pilgrimage.
==Historical Development==
Under Saddam Hussein, Arbaeen Walk and setting up Mawkib became illegal and involved the risk of being caught. After Saddam's overthrow in 2003, the Arbaeen rituals revived and attracted many pilgrims from all around the world.
==Source==
*shiite mourning encyclopedia, mohsen hesam mazaheri. 2016.
==References==
<references />
[[Category:Mourning Rituals]]
[[Category:Islamic Terminologies]]
[[Category:Arba'een]]

Abbas B. Ali B. Abu Taleb

2021-11-02T10:21:18Z

Heydari:

{{Infobox person
| name = Abbas B. ʿAli B. Abu Taleb
| image = shrine of abbas.jpg
| caption = Shrine of Abbas B. ʿAli B. Abu Taleb
| birth_date = Sha'ban 4, Islamic calendar 26 AH
|editor=
|publisher=
| birth_place = Medina, Hejaz (now in Saudi Arabia)
| death_date = Muharram 10 ,Islamic calendar 61 AH
| death_place = [[Karbala]]; Umayyad Empire (now in Iraq)
| death_cause = Martyrdom during the Battle of Karbala by Yazid I's men while bringing some water from Euphrates river for the family of Muhammad
| resting_place = Al Abbas Mosque (Shrine of Abbas), [[Karbala]], [[Iraq]]
| residence = Medina, Hejaz (now in Saudi Arabia)
| nationality = Hejaz- Hejazi Arab
| title = أبو الفضل، قمر بنی هاشم، السقى، علمدار، شہنشاہِ وفا، باب الحسین، باب الحوائج
|author=
|url=
|access-date=
| successor =
| opponents = Yazid I
| spouse = Lubaba bint Ubaydillah
| children = Ubaydullah ibn Abbas (died in the Battle of Karbala), Fadl ibn Abbas, Mohammad ibn Abbas (died in the Battle of Karbala)
| parents = Ali, Ummul Banin (known as ''the mother of the sons only'')
| relatives = Hasan ibn Ali (paternal half-brother), Hussain ibn Ali (paternal half-brother), Zaynab bint Ali (paternal half-sister), Umm Kulthum bint Ali (paternal half-sister), Muhsin ibn Ali (paternal half-brother), Muhammad
| family = Banu Hashim, Banu Kilab
| known for = [[Battle of Karbala]]
|native_name=العبّاس بن علی}}
'''Abbas B. Ali B. Abu Taleb''' (d. 61/680), known as Abu Fadl (father of excellence) and Qamar Bani l-Hashim (the Moon of Banu Hashim), was a half-brother of [[Hussain ibn Ali|Imam Hussain]] who fought bravely at the [[battle of Karbala]]. Abbas was killed, according to most traditions, on the day of [[Tasu’a|Tasu'a]] (9 [[Muharram]] 61/10 October 680) while trying to bring back [[water]] from the Euphrates river to quench the unbearable thirst of the besieged [[Ahl-e Bayt]]. His mother, the daughter of Hizam b. Khalid b. Rabi’a from the Arab tribe of Banu Kilab, was the mother of three more sons of [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|Ali b. Abi Talib]], and for this reason she became known as Umm al-Banin. All three brothers of Abbas were killed just before him in the same battle: Abdallah, Jaʿfar, and Othman.<ref>Mofid, loc. cit.; Dinavari, al-Akhbar al-tewal, Cairo, 1330/1911-12, pp. 254f.</ref>
==The Battle of Karbala==
As in the case of other martyrs of Karbala, the heroic conduct and death of this outstanding figure have given rise, in both Sunni and Shiʿi circles, to legendary accounts from which it is very hard to unravel the historical truth. The major difficulty arises from the fact that the main primary sources on the events of [[Karbala]] ([[Tabari]] and Baladhori) do not mention the details of Abbas’s death. A brief reference by [[Shaykh al-Mufid]] says that, in the ultimate episode of the battle, Abbas went together with Hussain toward the river; separated from his brother, he fought boldly before being killed.

== Aftermath of Karbala ==
His body was buried by people from [[Banu Asad]] at the place where he was killed and where his tomb (and later his shrine) was erected.<ref>al-Ershad, Tehran, 1377/1957-58, pp. 224-25, 227.
</ref> As in the case of other martyrs of Karbala, his head was brought to [[Yazid]] in Damascus. One tradition claims that his head was later buried in the cemetery of Bab al-Saqir in Damascus.
==Abbas’s Epic==
The early evolution of his saga is difficult to trace, although his nickname [[Saqqa]] (“Water Carrier”) appears in ancient sources.<ref>Mufid, al-Ekhtesas, Tehran, 1379/1959-60, p. 82.</ref> The traditions later followed regarding the circumstances of his [[martyrdom]] seem to go back to a nucleus of narratives popular in circles practicing fotovvat (a kind of chivalry) in the late [[Abbasid]] period; these spread to Turco-Persian areas among various socioreligious groups (akhi, fetyan, etc.) and ultimately among Sufi orders. Most of these narratives are known by their titles, but an idea of their contents may be gathered from the Arabic historical romance of Ibn Taʾus al-Taʾusi.<ref>tr. F. Wüstenfeld, Der Tod des Husein ben ʿAli und die Rache, Göttingen, 1883. </ref> Its author claims to transmit traditions from [[Abu Mekhnaf]], the main authority for most historical writings on the period. According to this account—which may reflect some historical truth—’Abbas was killed on the eve of Ashura in a desperate attempt to provide water for the besieged. Fighting alone against numerous foes, he had his right hand severed by a sword cut, then the left; seizing his sword in his mouth, he went on fighting until he was killed. In the [[Rawzat al-Shuhada]]<ref>q.v.; completed in 908/1502-03.</ref>, the major source for the recitation of the passions of the martyrs of Karbala during the mourning months ([[rawza]]-khani), Hussain Vaʾez Kashefi seems to follow the “historical” tradition more strictly than other writers by mentioning Abbas’s death on 10 [[Muharram]] and by shuffling the chronology only slightly, making Abbas the sixty-eighth martyr (before [[Muhammad b. ʿAli|Muhammad b. Ali]], [[‘Ali-Akbar|Ali-Akbar]] and [[ʿAli-Asqar|Ali-Asqar]]). Nevertheless, Kashefi mentions Abbas’s heroic sally on 9 Muharram and follows essentially the “Mesopotamian” tradition regarding the water motif.<ref>ed. Ramazani, Tehran, 1341 Sh./1962.</ref>

He is often called by his konya, Abu Fadl, or by his nickname, Qamar Bani Hashem (“Moon of the Hashemites”). Abbas is said to have inherited Ali’s boldness, to have always carried the victorious standard on the battlefield (thence his surname [[Alam|Alam]]-dar, “Standard-Bearer”), and to have killed many enemies (eighty, according to the Rawzat al-shuhada) before being martyred. Traditions say that when Hussain heard him cry at the last gasp he uttered the words: “My backbone is broken.” The names of his murderers, Zayd b. Varqaʾ Hanafi and [[Hakim b. al-Tufayl al-Ta'i|Hakim b. al-Tofayl Sanani]]<ref>al-Ershad.</ref>, are sometimes erroneously transmitted by popular narratives.
==Abbas in Mourning Rituals==
As one of the central participants in the drama of [[Karbala]], Abbas is celebrated both in [[Ta'ziya|taʿziya]] and related Muharram mourning rituals as the [[water]] carrier of the Ahl-e Bayt and the [[standard-bearer]] of Hussain. A certain parallel has been noticed between Muhammad b. al-Hanafiya—standard-bearer and champion of Ali in his own saga—and Abbas fulfilling the same warrior functions near Hsayn, who is seen as essentially involved in a spiritual combat.<ref>bibliog.: Calmard, p. 368, n. 813.</ref> Taʿziya scripts dedicate a complete cycle to Abbas’s deeds from birth to martyrdom.<ref>bibliog.: Rossi and Bombaci, Elenco.</ref> From the blessing (baraka) attached to his person derive some “miracle” themes celebrated in taʿziya. The representation of his martyrdom, generally performed on the eve of [[Ashura|Ashura]] (i.e., the evening of the ninth day, [[Tasu’a|Tasuʿa]]), features the most dramatic scenes found in taʿziya acting, particularly the scene picturing the veiled Abbas testing [[ʿAli-Akbar|Ali-Akbar]]’s valor. There is even a kind of theater the story of a purported Hindu actor playing the role of Abbas.<ref>ʿAbbas-e Hendi, Elenco, no. 3.</ref>
==Abbas in Popular Culture==
The cult of Abbas incorporates many features related to water and fertility. In Kashefi’s Fotovvatnama-ye soltani<ref>ed. M. J. Mahiub, Tehran, 1350 Š./1971.</ref>, he ranks in the selsela (lineage) of the [[ saqqa]] saints, second in line after Ali; those who, out of devotion for the martyrs of Karbala, become saqqa, i.e., give water to the thirsty as an act of charity, “do it in imitation of Abbas-e Ali.” But there is no mention of his name in a later treatise on water carriers popular in Indo-Persian corporations.<ref>A. M. Kassim, “Etudes sur les corporations musulmanes indo-persanes,” REI, 1927, pp. 249f.</ref> Invocations such as “Ya Hazrat-e Abbas!” (O, exalted Abbas) or “Ya Abu’l-Fazl!” are generally engraved on the metal hand (panja) with outstretched fingers symbolizing the Ahl-e Bayt fixed on top of the standards ([[Alam|alam]]) carried in [[Muharram]] processions. Special votive ribbons are attached to these alams, and ex-votos are brought to their bases by women on the eve of Ashura to obtain protection for their infant children. Parents dedicate their young sons to the activity of supplying water to attendants at the Moharram ceremonies in memory of Hazrat-e Abbas. Such acts fulfill vows made when seeking children’s recovery from illness. Devotees used to offer special oblation ([[nadhr]]) consisting of a certain amount of bread and yoghurt—nan o mast, colloquially nun-o-mas (nadhr-e Hazrat-e Abbas)—to be increased each year. Other widespread practices of invocation to Abbas have been observed in Persia. Thus, to avenge oneself or to harm somebody, one may say: “Ya Hazrat-e Abbas!” or “Hazrat-e Abbas kur-et kone!” (“May H. A. blind you!”).It seems that in recent years the making of a vow in relation to Abbas has become more common among women, who, to fulfill a vow, organize religious gatherings called [http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/sofra sofra] Hazrat-e Abbas, during which food is shared.<ref>Gustav Thaiss, “Religious Symbolism and Social Change: The Drama of Husain,” in Scholars, Saints and Sufis, ed. Nikki R. Keddie, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1972, pp. 352ff.</ref>

Abbas’s likeness, generally as a warrior riding his white stallion, has been represented in many ways (sometimes while cleaving his enemies to the waist with a single blow of his sword) in frescoes, paintings on wooden tablets, glass, and cloth (qalamkar), oil-painted shamayel used for pardadari (q.v.), on standards, in ceramics, lithographed illustrations, and so on. [[Saqqakhanas]] (water fountains), often built near a [[tekya]] (hall for the Moharram ceremonies), are generally dedicated to Hazrat-e Abbas. Such votive chapels (few are extant) are sometimes decorated with tilework (kashikari) scenes depicting Abbas’s heroic deeds and martyrdom similar to those found on tekya walls.
==Shrine of al- Abbas==
[[File:The shrine of Abbas in Karbala, Iraq.jpg|thumb|'''The shrine of Abbas in Karbala, Iraq''']]
Abbas’s shrine is located in the town of [[Karbala]] on the northeast side of Imam Hussain’s mausoleum. Both shrines are built on a mound overlooking the town. Since they are visited by many pilgrims practically all year long, both have numerous servants (sayyeds, mollas, etc.) for upkeep and administration. Abbas’s shrine is built in a vast enclosure. Access to it is obtained through a succession of portals richly decorated with stalactites and enameled tiles, some of which copy ancient originals. The grave itself, covered with a golden dome (formerly an enameled faience cupola), has been recently renovated (1385/1965-66). As is the case for other martyrs of Karbala, there are special prayers and [[Ziarat the shrine of Abbas|rituals]] to be performed at his grave; and important Muslim personalities (olamaʾ, sultans, ministers, are buried in the precinct of his shrine.
==References==
{{reflist|30em}}
==Bibliography==

*Eugène Aubin, La Perse d’aujourd’hui, Paris, 1908, pp. 376f.

*Ivar Lassy, The Muharram Mysteries among the Azerbeijan Turks of Caucasia, Helsingfors, 1916, pp. 38f., 52, 113, etc. Jaffur Shureef, Islam in India, or the Qanun-i Islam , tr. Herklots, Oxford, 1921, pp. 160, 162.

*Henri Massé, Anthologie persane, Paris, 1950, pp. 390-92.

*Ettore Rossi and Alessio Bombaci, Elenco di drammi religiosi persiani (fondo mss. Vaticani Cerulli), Vatican City, 1961 (on the Chodzko, Pelly, and Litten collections, see index, pp. 354f.).

*Javād Ṣafīnežād, Ṭālebābād (monograph on a village), Institute of Social Studies and Researches, no. 38, Tehran, 1345 Š./1966, p. 446.

*[[Peter J. Chelkowski|Peter Chelkowski]], Tārīḵ va ǰanba-ye adabī-e taʿzīa (diss., University of Tehran, 1347 Š./1968), pp. 180-92.

*Hassan ul-Ameene, Islamic Shiʿite Encyclopaedia IV, Beirut, 1973, pp. 172, 180f., 192, 197, 209f.

*[[Jean Calmard]], Le cult de l’ Imām Ḥusayn: étude sur la commémoration du drame de Karbala dans l’Iran pré-safavide (diss., University of Paris [Sorbonne], 1975), pp. 347, 364, 368f., and index (for late popular narratives). Originally Published: December 15, 1982. Last Updated: July 13, 2011. This article is available in print. Vol. I, Fasc. 1, pp. 77-79.

==Source==

*[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/abbas-b-ali-b-abu-taleb Encyclopaedia Iranica]

[[Category: Karbala Martyrs]]
[[Category: Battle of Karbala]]
[[Category: Hussain’s Followers]]
<references />
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[Category:Imam Ali's Sons]]
[[Category:Umm Banin's Sons]]
[[fa:عباس ابن علی(ع)]]
[[Category:Martyrs of Karbala]]

Du’a

2021-09-29T11:34:12Z

Heydari:

'''Du’a''' is a prayer of supplication or request. In contrast to the prescribed rituals of Islam, such as the daily prayers, the ''du’a'' is generally a spontaneous, unstructured, conversation with God. There are, however, prescribed supplications or ''du’a ma’thur'' that are considered particularly propitious because of their scriptural origins.

Whereas form is essential for the performance of the prescribed rituals, consciousness is central to ''du’a.'' And whereas every ''du’a'' is a form of prayer, only a prayer performed conscientiously becomes a ''du’a.'' The ''du’a'' is the very essence of worship because it venerates God, celebrates His sublime attributes, and puts trust in Him. A ''du’a'' is considered most auspicious when framed broadly to seek protection from evil, solicit the good of this world, and salvation in the afterlife.

For the believer, supplications are always answered, but not in the form of a wish list. A du’a also serves as a medium to ward off evil, or secure grace. A traveler, for instance, is encouraged to read: “In God’s name let its run be, and let its stopping be!”.

 

== The Difference Between Du’a and Ziara==
The Du’a (supplication) is the act of speaking to Allah while [[Ziara]] (visitation) is the act of speaking with the role-models and true examples of the faith sent by Allah. Nevertheless, Ziara itself is a form of speaking with Allah since the individuals being addressed are the prophets and [[Imam]]<nowiki/>s who invite humanity to the worship of the true God and to struggle against the internal and external enemies. Thus, Ziara is nothing more than speaking to Allah through the intermediaries which He himself has appointed in order for us to reach to perfection.

Within the Du’a thought by [[Ahl Al-Bayt|Ahl al-Bayt]], there are four points seen: shedding tears and showing grief, expressing one’s needs, gaining a better understanding of the faith and beliefs, and the invitation to stand up and fight against the enemies- internal and external.

 

==Imam Hussain’s Supplications==
[[Al-Asharat supplication|Al-ʿAsharat supplication]]

[[Supplication of 'Arafa|Supplication of Arafa]]

[[Supplication of Alqama|Supplication of ‘Alqama]]

[[Last Supplication of Imam Hussain]]
 

==Bibliography==

*Ghazali'','' Muhammad al-. ''Remembrance and Prayer: The Way of the Prophet Muhammad.'' Translated by Y. T. DeLorenzo. Beltsville, Md.: Amana Publications, 1996.
*Nakamura, Kojiro''. Invocations and Supplications: Book IX of the Revival of the Religious Sciences.'' Cambridge, U.K.: Islamic Texts Society, 1990.

 

==Source==

*Muneer Goolam Fareed (2004). Encyclopedia of Islam and Muslim World. Edited by Richard C. Martin. USA: Macmillan; P: 691. <nowiki>ISBN 0-02-865912-0</nowiki>
*Ali Asqhar Azizi Tehrani, Commentary of Ziarat Ashura; a brief commentary, CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform (February 25, 2014)

[[Category:Supplications]]
[[Category:Concepts and Beliefs]]
[[Category:Islamic Terminologies]]
[[Category:Azadari Culture]]

Zaynab

2021-07-11T07:18:12Z

Heydari:

{{infobox person
| name = Zaynab
| native_name = زینب بنت علی
| image = Zaynab tomb.jpg
| caption = The Sayyidah Zaynab Mosque in ([[Damascus]], [[Syria]])
| known_for = Leading of the caravan of [[Hussain ibn Ali|Al-Hussain]] after his death at the [[Battle of Karbala]] in [[Iraq]], Umayyad Empire)
| birth_date = 15 Hijra year (Wednesday, 5 Jumada al-awwal; Jumada I, 5 Hijri year- October 2, 626 Common Era)
| birth_place = Medina, Al-Hijaz,
| father = [[Ali ibn Abi Talib]]
| mother = [[Fatima]] bint [[Muhammad]]
| relatives = [[Muhammad]] (maternal grandfather), [[Hasan B. Ali B. Abi Taleb|Hasan ibn Ali]] (brother), [[Hussain ibn Ali]] (brother), Muhsin ibn Ali (brother), [[Umm Kulthum bint Ali]] (sister), [[Abbas]] (brother)
| spouse = ‘Abdullah ibn Ja'far
| children = Ali, Aun, Muhammad, Abbas, Umm Kulthum
| death_date = 62 Hijra year (681/682 CE)
| death_place = Damascus, [[Umayyad]] Empire
| resting_place = Sayyidah Zaynab Mosque, [[Damascus]], the Levant or Al-Sayeda Zainab Mosque, Cairo, Egypt
}}
'''Zaynab''' is the granddaughter of the Prophet [[Prophet|Muhammed]] and role model for Shi῾i female activists. Zaynab is among the prominent granddaughters of the Prophet Mohammed, and her fame in Islamic history derives from her passionate and eloquent defense of her family and in particular her brother, [[Hussain ibn Ali|al-Hussain]], the martyr of the Battle of [[Karbala]] (680). She was a daughter of [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|῾Ali ibn Abi Talib]], Mohammed's cousin, and [[Fatima]] al-Zahra, the youngest daughter of Mohammad.
==Early Life==
Early Muslim sources provide few details about Zaynab's life before the Battle of Karbala. Mohammed Ibn Sa῾d's (d. 845) biographical compendium, among the earliest sources for her life, simply relates her genealogy, mentions her marriage to ῾Abd Allah ibn Ja῾far ibn Abi Talib (her first cousin), and lists the names of her five children (῾Ali, ῾Awn al-Akbar, ῾Abbas, Mohammed, and Umm Kulthum). While there is general consensus that she was the oldest daughter of ῾Ali and Fatima, there is no clarity about other details of her birth and early life.
==Battle of Karbala==
In contrast to the relative obscurity of her early life, her actions as they are remembered on the battlefield of Karbala and in the subsequent years figure more prominently in early Muslim sources. The History of al-Tabari (d. 923), for example, depicts her as valiant, defiant, and outspoken in the face of the tremendous tragedy that befell her family at Karbala. Most importantly she is credited with the survival of the line of Shi῾i [[Imam]]s itself through her defense of [[Ali b. al-Hussain|῾Ali ibn al-Hussain]], the only surviving son of al-Hussain and his successor to the leadership of the Shi῾is. Her eloquent, passionate defenses of her family before their [[Umayyad]] oppressors is recorded and widely commemorated in manuals of poetry and rhetoric (see, for example, Ibn Abi Tayfur, Balaghat al-Nisa᾽).

==Aftermath of Karbala and Captivity==

===In Damascus ===
At the first day of Safar, according to a narration of Turabi, when the caravan of captives arrived at Damascus, they and the heads of fallen ones were taken into [[Yazid]]'s presence. [[Yazid]] recited the blasphemous poetic verses of Abdullah bin Zab'ari Sahmi which he had composed while he was an unbeliever and also added some poetic verses of his own.

At this time, Zaynab, the daughter of Ali, rose and began speaking. She added a new chapter to the history of the Caliphate of Yazid which covered a period of three years and a few months, and said: "O Yazid! Allah and His Prophet have said that committing sins and considering the signs of Allah to be false is ridiculing them", i.e. denying the sign of Allah today and holding them in derision and having become happy, and reciting poetic verses on account of the martyrdom of the children of the Holy Prophet just as the polytheists of Makkah did when they became happy and sang songs because of the [[martyrdom]] of some Muslims in the Battle of Uhud, and talked about taking revenge upon the Holy Prophet.

This is how you become like them and how you have reached this stage? You have reached this stage because you have committed too many sins. Whoever treads the path of sin and persists in committing sins will, according to the verdict of the Qur'an, deny the signs of Allah one day and eventually will ridicule them and then deserve Divine punishment.

She added: "O Yazid! Do you think that we have become humble and despicable owing to the martyrdom of our people and our own captivity? As you have blocked all the paths for us, and we have been made captives and are being taken from one place to another, do you think that Allah has taken away his blessings from us? Do you think that by killing the godly persons you have become great and respectable and the Almighty looks at you with special grace and kindness?

For this reason and on account of this incorrect thinking you have become elated and arrogant. You have become boastful because you have seen that the matters have taken a turn in your favour. You have, however, forgotten what Allah says:

The disbelievers must not think that our respite is for their good We only give them time to let them increase their sins. For them there will be a humiliating torment." <ref>Surah Ale Imran, 3: 178</ref>

Then Zaynab reminded Yazid that on the day of the conquest of Makkah which took place in 8 A.H. the Prophet did favor to all the men and women of Makkah and set them free. Yazid himself was a descendant of those freed persons. His father [[Muawiya]], his grandfather [[Abu Sufyan]] and Mu'awiya's mother were among those who were set free at the time of the conquest of Makkah. On that day the Prophet very magnanimously set all of them free irrespective of what they had done in the past and said: "Go, for all of you are free".

In the second part of her speech the daughter of Imam Ali made the conquest of Makkah her topic and said: "O son of the freed ones! Is it justice that you keep your women and slave-girls in seclusion but have made the helpless daughters of the Prophet ride on swift camels and given them in the hands of their enemies so that they may take them from one city to another".

Then she said: "Why shouldn't Yazid be spiteful against us, it is he, who looks at us with hostility. You say with perfect intrepidity and without imagining that you are committing a sin: 'I wish that my ancestors who were killed in Badr had been present here today'. Then you strike Imam Hussain in his teeth with a stick in your hand!

Why shouldn't you be like this, although you have done what you wanted to do and have pulled out the roots of piety and virtue! You have shed the blood of the sons of the Prophet and have hidden the brilliant stars on the earth from amongst the descendants of Abdul Muttalib under the clouds of oppression and injustice.

However, you shall go before Allah soon. You shall meet your ancestors and shall also be taken to their place. At that time you will wish that you had been blind and dumb and had not said that it was a day of rejoicing for your ancestors".

At this stage the daughter of Imam Ali prayed to Allah and said: "O Lord! Procure our right and take revenge upon those who have oppressed us". Then she turned to Yazid and said: "By Allah you have pulled off your skin and cut off your flesh. You will soon go before the Prophet of Allah and will see with your own eyes that his children are in Paradise.

It will be the day when Allah will deliver the descendants of the Holy Prophet from the state of being scattered and will bring all of them together in Paradise. This is the promise which Allah has made in the Holy Quran. He says:

Do not think of those who are slain for the cause of Allah as dead. They are alive with their Lord and receive sustenance from Him.<ref>Surah Ale Imran, 3: 169</ref>

O Yazid! On the day when Allah will be the Judge and Muhammad will be the petitioner, and your limbs will give evidence against you, your father, who made you the ruler of the Muslims, will receive His punishment. On that day it will become known what reward the oppressors earn, whose position is worse and whose party is more humble.

O enemy of Allah and O son of the enemy of Allah! I swear by Allah that I consider you to be humble and not fit even to be reprimanded and reproached. But what am I to do? Our eyes are shedding tears, our hearts are burning, and our martyrs cannot come to life by our reprimanding and reproaching you. My Hussain has been killed and the partisans of Satan are taking us to the fools so that they may get their reward for insulting Allah.

Our blood is dripping from their hands and our flesh is falling down from their mouths. The sacred bodies of the martyrs have been placed at the disposal of the wolves and other carnivorous animals of the jungle. If you have gained something today by shedding blood, you will certainly be a loser on the Day of Judgment. On that day nothing but your deeds will count. On that day you will curse Ibn Marjana and he will curse you. On that day you and your followers will quarrel with one another by the side of the Divine scale of Justice.

On that day you will see that the best provision which your father made for you was that he enabled you to kill the children of the Prophet of Allah. I swear by Allah that I do not fear anyone except Him and do not complain to anyone else. You may employ your deceit and cunning efforts, but I swear by Allah that the shame and disgrace which you have earned by the treatment meted out to us cannot be eradicated".

The daughter of Fatima Zahra ended her speech with offering thanks to Allah. She said: "I thank Allah Who has concluded the task of the chiefs of the youths of Paradise with prosperity and forgiveness and accommodated them in Paradise. I pray to Allah that He may elevate their ranks and favor them more with His kindness, for Allah is Omnipotent".
==Death==
The exact date and place of her death are not clear but it is probable that she died in the year 62 AH (681/682).

There are three reports about her resting place:

*Al-Baqi' cemetery: Some historians have reported that she was buried in al-Baqi', Medina where her mother is buried. Al-Sayyid Muhsin al-Amin, the author of A'yan al-Shi'a, accepted this report and mentioned some evidence refuting the other two reports.

*Zaynabiyya: It is widely believed that she was buried in Zaynabiyya, a southern suburb of Damascus, Syria, where nowadays her shrine is.

*Maqam of Sayeda Zaynab: Some historians said that she was buried in Egypt. Her shrine in Egypt has been renovated several times and now is a ziara site.

==Historical Impact==
While Sunni and Shi῾i sources concur about the centrality of Zaynab's role during and immediately after the Battle of Karbala, she figures far more prominently in Shi῾i historiography than in the Sunni sources. As such her life story is central to the hagiography on the family of ῾Ali as well as in the definition of contemporary gender roles in Shi῾i societies. A number of modern biographers, for example, provide extensive details about her life from birth to death and cast her as an exemplar for modern Shi῾i women in the domestic and political spheres. In many respects she is providing a model of political activism, remaining steadfast and brave in the face of tyranny and oppression, and living virtuously as a daughter, wife, and mother.
==References==
{{reflist|30em}}
==Bibliography==

*Balāghatun Nisa', Abul Fazl Ahmad bin Abi Tahir, (208- 280 A.H.).
*Ibn Sa῾d, Mohammed. The Women of Medina. Translated by Aisha Bewley. Vol. 8 of Tabaqat, p. 300. London: Ta-Ha
*Publishers, 1995. Contains a brief, early biographical entry for Zaynab bint ῾Ali.
*Mufid, Mohammed al-. The Book of Guidance into the Lives of the Twelve Imams. Translated by I. K. A. Howard from Kitab al-Irshad. Horsham, U.K.: Balagha, and Elmhurst, N.Y.: Tahrike Tarsile Qur᾽an, 1981. Brief accounts of Zaynab's heroism and rhetoric are preserved in the account of al-Hussain's life.
*Tabari, Mohammed ibn Jarir al-. The Caliphate of Yazid b. Mu῾awiyah. Translated by I. K. A. Howard. Vol. 19 of History of al-Tabari. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990.

==Sources==

*[https://www.al-islam.org/probe-history-ashura-dr-ibrahim-ayati/chapter-32-sermon-lady-zaynab-court-yazid Ahlul Bayt Digital Islamic Library]
*[https://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/acref/9780195148909.001.0001/acref-9780195148909-e-1187 The Oxford Encyclopedia of Women in World History]

[[Category:Individuals]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[Category: Battle of Karbala]]
[[Category:Hussain’s Followers]]
[[Category:Hussain’s Family]]
[[Category:Caravan of Captives]]
[[fa:زینب (س)]]

Zaynab

2021-07-06T03:41:01Z

Heydari:

{{infobox person
| name = Zaynab
| native_name = زینب بنت علی
| image = Zaynab tomb.jpg
| caption = The Sayyidah Zaynab Mosque in ([[Damascus]], [[Syria]])
| known_for = Leading of the caravan of [[Hussain ibn Ali|Al-Hussain]] after his death at the [[Battle of Karbala]] in [[Iraq]], Umayyad Empire)
| birth_date = 15 Hijra year (Wednesday, 5 Jumada al-awwal; Jumada I, 5 Hijri year- October 2, 626 Common Era)
| birth_place = Medina, Al-Hijaz,
| father = [[Ali ibn Abi Talib]]
| mother = [[Fatima]] bint [[Muhammad]]
| relatives = [[Muhammad]] (maternal grandfather), [[Hasan B. Ali B. Abi Taleb|Hasan ibn Ali]] (brother), [[Hussain ibn Ali]] (brother), Muhsin ibn Ali (brother), [[Umm Kulthum bint Ali]] (sister), [[Abbas]] (brother)
| spouse = ‘Abdullah ibn Ja'far
| children = Ali, Aun, Muhammad, Abbas, Umm Kulthum
| death_date = 62 Hijra year (681/682 CE)
| death_place = Damascus, [[Umayyad]] Empire
| resting_place = Sayyidah Zaynab Mosque, [[Damascus]], the Levant or Al-Sayeda Zainab Mosque, Cairo, Egypt
}}
'''Zaynab''' is the granddaughter of the Prophet [[Prophet|Muhammed]] and role model for Shi῾i female activists. Zaynab is among the prominent granddaughters of the Prophet Mohammed, and her fame in Islamic history derives from her passionate and eloquent defense of her family and in particular her brother, [[Hussain ibn Ali|al-Hussain]], the martyred hero of the Battle of [[Karbala]] (680). She was a daughter of [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|῾Ali ibn Abi Talib]], Mohammed's cousin, and [[Fatima]] al-Zahra, the favored and youngest daughter of Mohammad.
==Early Life==
Early Muslim sources provide few details about Zaynab's life before the Battle of Karbala. Mohammed Ibn Sa῾d's (d. 845) biographical compendium, among the earliest sources for her life, simply relates her genealogy, mentions her marriage to ῾Abd Allah ibn Ja῾far ibn Abi Talib (her first cousin), and lists the names of her five children (῾Ali, ῾Awn al-Akbar, ῾Abbas, Mohammed, and Umm Kulthum). While there is general consensus that she was the oldest daughter of ῾Ali and Fatima, there is no clarity about other details of her birth and early life.
==Battle of Karbala==
In contrast to the relative obscurity of her early life, her actions as they are remembered on the battlefield of Karbala and in the subsequent years figure more prominently in early Muslim sources. The History of al-Tabari (d. 923), for example, depicts her as valiant, defiant, and outspoken in the face of the tremendous tragedy that befell her family at Karbala. Most importantly she is credited with the survival of the line of Shi῾i [[Imam]]s itself through her defense of [[Ali b. al-Hussain|῾Ali ibn al-Hussain]], the only surviving son of al-Hussain and his successor to the leadership of the Shi῾is. Her eloquent, passionate defenses of her family before their [[Umayyad]] oppressors is recorded and widely commemorated in manuals of poetry and rhetoric (see, for example, Ibn Abi Tayfur, Balaghat al-Nisa᾽).

==Aftermath of Karbala and Captivity==

===In Damascus ===
At the first day of Safar, according to a narration of Turabi, when the caravan of captives arrived at Damascus, they and the heads of fallen ones were taken into [[Yazid]]'s presence. [[Yazid]] recited the blasphemous poetic verses of Abdullah bin Zab'ari Sahmi which he had composed while he was an unbeliever and also added some poetic verses of his own.

At this time, Zaynab, the daughter of Ali, rose and began speaking. She added a new chapter to the history of the Caliphate of Yazid which covered a period of three years and a few months, and said: "O Yazid! Allah and His Prophet have said that committing sins and considering the signs of Allah to be false is ridiculing them", i.e. deny the sign of Allah today and hold them in derision and have become happy, and recite poetic verses on account of the martyrdom of the children of the Holy Prophet just as the polytheists of Makkah became happy and sang songs because of the [[martyrdom]] of some Muslims in the Battle of Uhud, and talk about taking revenge upon the Holy Prophet.

This is how you become like them and how you have reached this stage? You have reached this stage because you have committed too many sins. Whoever treads the path of sin and persists in committing sins will, according to the verdict of the Qur'an, deny the signs of Allah one day and eventually will ridicule them and then deserve Divine punishment.

She added: "O Yazid! Do you think that we have become humble and despicable owing to the martyrdom of our people and our own captivity? As you have blocked all the paths for us, and we have been made captives and are being taken from one place to another, do you think that Allah has taken away his blessings from us? Do you think that by killing the godly persons you have become great and respectable and the Almighty looks at you with special grace and kindness?

For this reason and on account of this incorrect thinking you have become elated and arrogant. You have become boastful because you have seen that the matters have taken a turn in your favour. You have, however, forgotten what Allah says:

The disbelievers must not think that our respite is for their good We only give them time to let them increase their sins. For them there will be a humiliating torment." <ref>Surah Ale Imran, 3: 178</ref>

Then Zaynab reminded Yazid that on the day of the conquest of Makkah which took place in 8 A.H. the Prophet did favor to all the men and women of Makkah and set them free. Yazid himself was a descendant of those freed persons. His father [[Muawiya]], his grandfather [[Abu Sufyan]] and Mu'awiya's mother were among those who were set free at the time of the conquest of Makkah. On that day the Prophet very magnanimously set all of them free irrespective of what they had done in the past and said: "Go, for all of you are free".

In the second part of her speech the daughter of Imam Ali made the conquest of Makkah her topic and said: "O son of the freed ones! Is it justice that you keep your women and slave-girls in seclusion but have made the helpless daughters of the Prophet ride on swift camels and given them in the hands of their enemies so that they may take them from one city to another".

Then she said: "Why shouldn't Yazid be spiteful against us, it is he, who looks at us with hostility. You say with perfect intrepidity and without imagining that you are committing a sin: 'I wish that my ancestors who were killed in Badr had been present here today'. Then you strike Imam Hussain in his teeth with a stick in your hand!

Why shouldn't you be like this, although you have done what you wanted to do and have pulled out the roots of piety and virtue! You have shed the blood of the sons of the Prophet and have hidden the brilliant stars on the earth from amongst the descendants of Abdul Muttalib under the clouds of oppression and injustice.

However, you shall go before Allah soon. You shall meet your ancestors and shall also be taken to their place. At that time you will wish that you had been blind and dumb and had not said that it was a day of rejoicing for your ancestors".

At this stage the daughter of Imam Ali prayed to Allah and said: "O Lord! Procure our right and take revenge upon those who have oppressed us". Then she turned to Yazid and said: "By Allah you have pulled off your skin and cut off your flesh. You will soon go before the Prophet of Allah and will see with your own eyes that his children are in Paradise.

It will be the day when Allah will deliver the descendants of the Holy Prophet from the state of being scattered and will bring all of them together in Paradise. This is the promise which Allah has made in the Holy Quran. He says:

Do not think of those who are slain for the cause of Allah as dead. They are alive with their Lord and receive sustenance from Him.<ref>Surah Ale Imran, 3: 169</ref>

O Yazid! On the day when Allah will be the Judge and Muhammad will be the petitioner, and your limbs will give evidence against you, your father, who made you the ruler of the Muslims, will receive His punishment. On that day it will become known what reward the oppressors earn, whose position is worse and whose party is more humble.

O enemy of Allah and O son of the enemy of Allah! I swear by Allah that I consider you to be humble and not fit even to be reprimanded and reproached. But what am I to do? Our eyes are shedding tears, our hearts are burning, and our martyrs cannot come to life by our reprimanding and reproaching you. My Hussain has been killed and the partisans of Satan are taking us to the fools so that they may get their reward for insulting Allah.

Our blood is dripping from their hands and our flesh is falling down from their mouths. The sacred bodies of the martyrs have been placed at the disposal of the wolves and other carnivorous animals of the jungle. If you have gained something today by shedding blood, you will certainly be a loser on the Day of Judgment. On that day nothing but your deeds will count. On that day you will curse Ibn Marjana and he will curse you. On that day you and your followers will quarrel with one another by the side of the Divine scale of Justice.

On that day you will see that the best provision which your father made for you was that he enabled you to kill the children of the Prophet of Allah. I swear by Allah that I do not fear anyone except Him and do not complain to anyone else. You may employ your deceit and cunning efforts, but I swear by Allah that the shame and disgrace which you have earned by the treatment meted out to us cannot be eradicated".

The daughter of Fatima Zahra ended her speech with offering thanks to Allah. She said: "I thank Allah Who has concluded the task of the chiefs of the youths of Paradise with prosperity and forgiveness and accommodated them in Paradise. I pray to Allah that He may elevate their ranks and favor them more with His kindness, for Allah is Omnipotent".
==Death==
The exact date and place of her death are not clear but it is probable that she died in the year 62 AH (681/682).

There are three reports about her resting place:

*Al-Baqi' cemetery: Some historians have reported that she was buried in al-Baqi', Medina where her mother is buried. Al-Sayyid Muhsin al-Amin, the author of A'yan al-Shi'a, accepted this report and mentioned some evidence refuting the other two reports.

*Zaynabiyya: It is widely believed that she was buried in Zaynabiyya, a southern suburb of Damascus, Syria, where nowadays her shrine is.

*Maqam of Sayeda Zaynab: Some historians said that she was buried in Egypt. Her shrine in Egypt has been renovated several times and now is a ziara site.

==Historical Impact==
While Sunni and Shi῾i sources concur about the centrality of Zaynab's role during and immediately after the Battle of Karbala, she figures far more prominently in Shi῾i historiography than in the Sunni sources. As such her life story is central to the hagiography on the family of ῾Ali as well as in the definition of contemporary gender roles in Shi῾i societies. A number of modern biographers, for example, provide extensive details about her life from birth to death and cast her as an exemplar for modern Shi῾i women in the domestic and political spheres. In many respects she is the Shi῾i counterpart to the Sunni ῾A᾽isha bint Abi Bakr, providing a model of political activism, remaining steadfast and brave in the face of tyranny and oppression, and living virtuously as a daughter, wife, and mother.
==References==
{{reflist|30em}}
==Bibliography==

*Balāghatun Nisa', Abul Fazl Ahmad bin Abi Tahir, (208- 280 A.H.).
*Ibn Sa῾d, Mohammed. The Women of Medina. Translated by Aisha Bewley. Vol. 8 of Tabaqat, p. 300. London: Ta-Ha
*Publishers, 1995. Contains a brief, early biographical entry for Zaynab bint ῾Ali.
*Mufid, Mohammed al-. The Book of Guidance into the Lives of the Twelve Imams. Translated by I. K. A. Howard from Kitab al-Irshad. Horsham, U.K.: Balagha, and Elmhurst, N.Y.: Tahrike Tarsile Qur᾽an, 1981. Brief accounts of Zaynab's heroism and rhetoric are preserved in the account of al-Hussain's life.
*Tabari, Mohammed ibn Jarir al-. The Caliphate of Yazid b. Mu῾awiyah. Translated by I. K. A. Howard. Vol. 19 of History of al-Tabari. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990.

==Sources==

*[https://www.al-islam.org/probe-history-ashura-dr-ibrahim-ayati/chapter-32-sermon-lady-zaynab-court-yazid Ahlul Bayt Digital Islamic Library]
*[https://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/acref/9780195148909.001.0001/acref-9780195148909-e-1187 The Oxford Encyclopedia of Women in World History]

[[Category:Individuals]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[Category: Battle of Karbala]]
[[Category:Hussain’s Followers]]
[[Category:Hussain’s Family]]
[[Category:Caravan of Captives]]
[[fa:زینب (س)]]

Abu Mohammad Hasan ibn ali

2021-07-06T03:41:00Z

Heydari:

'''Imam al-Askari''', Abu Mohammad Hasan ibn Ali, is the eleventh imam of imami [[Shiʿism|Shiʿites]]. He was the son of [[imam Ali al-naqi|imam Ali al-Naqi]] and he had been imprisoned most of his life by the caliph al-Moʿtamed in a city called Askari, therefore he is called Askari (a military camp or town). He is known also as al-Samet, al-Hadi, al-Zaki, etc. Imam al-Askari is the father of [[imam al- Mahdi]], Imam of the present age in [[Shiʿa|Shi'as]]’ belief. {{infobox person
| name =Al-Hasan b. Ali
| native_name =أبو محمد الحسن بن علی
| image = askari.jpg
| caption =
| known_for = The 11th Imam of Shi'a
| birth_date = Rabiʿ I/October-November, 846
| birth_place =Medina
| father = [[imam ali al-naqi|Ali b. Muhammad]]
| mother =Hudayth
| relatives =
| spouse = Narjis
| children = Imam al-mahdi
| death_date = Rabi' I 8, 260/January 1, 874
| death_place =Samarra
| resting_place = Samera
}}

==Birth==
He was born in Medina . His date of birth is not known for certain. Two reported dates are Rabiʿ I/October-November, 846 or Ramadan/April-May, 847<ref>Nawbakti, (Feraq, p. 79) and Qomi (Maqalat, pp. 101f.)</ref> and others stated that he was born in 231/845-46<ref>Tarik Bagdad (VII, p. 366)</ref>. His mother was called Hodayt or Susan.

==Imamat==
He and his father, [[Imam ali al-naqi|Ali al-Hadi]], were taken by the caliph al-Motawakkel to Askar Samarra. According to Imamite tradition, his father designated Hasan al-Askari as his successor a few months before his death in 254/868<ref>Shaikh Mofid, Ersad, p. 335</ref>; his elder brother, Abu Jaʿfar Moḥammad, was already dead by this time<ref>Nawbakti, p. 78</ref>. It seems, however, that his right to the succession was challenged by his brother Jaʿfar.

==Martyrdom==
Hasan al-Askari’s short imamate was uneventful, though he is said to have been imprisoned for a while by the caliph al-Moʿtamed.<ref>r. 256-79/870-92</ref> He died on 8 Rabiʿ I 260/January 1, 874 in Samarra<ref>Ebn Kallekan gives 8 Jomada I/March 1</ref> and was buried next to his father in the latter’s house. His estate passed to his mother and his brother Jaʿfar.

==Succession==
During his imamate small groups of extremists (golat), who ascribed prophetic or even divine qualities to the imams, continued the activities which they had in part begun under his predecessor. They included the Namiriya,<ref>Nawbakti, p. 78</ref> the adherents of Mohammad b. Nosayr Namiri in [[Kufa]], the Eshaqiya of Eshaq b. Mohammad Nakaʿi Basri in Basra, Baghdad, and Madaʾen,<ref>Kassi, Rejal, ed. Moṣṭafwi, Mashad, 1348 S./1969, pp. 530f.; Tariḵ Bagdad VI, pp. 378ff; cf. the traditions in Kafi I, pp. 508ff</ref> and the Hasakiya, the supporters and disciples of Ali b. Hasaka, in Qom.<ref>Kassi, pp. 516f., 520, 521</ref> Since Askari had died without leaving any obvious heirs, certain groups of his followers believed that he had gone on occultation and they awaited his return or resurrection; others surmised that he had left a son called Mohammad (known as Mohammad al-Qaʾem), who had been born a few years before Askari’s death<ref>according to the Imamite tradition in Saʿban, 255/July-August, 869; Kafi I, p. 514</ref> or even posthumously.<ref>Nawbakti, pp. 84f, 90ff.</ref> Other groups endorsed the imamate of one of Askari’s brothers, Mohammad or Jaʿfar.<ref>cf. Nawbakti, pp. 79ff.; Qomi, p. 102ff.</ref> Of all these groups only the Emamiya survived, who believe that Askari’s son Moḥammad was taken up by God (gayba), and they await his return.

==Source==

*[https://iranicaonline.org/articles/askari-abu-mohammad-hasan-b Encyclopaedia Iranica]

==References==

[[Category:Individuals]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[Category: Imams]]
[[Category: The Fourteen Infallibles]]
[[Category:Twelver Shi’ism]]
[[Category:Ahl al-Bayt]]
<references />

Ali AL-Hadi

2021-07-06T03:40:59Z

Heydari:

{{Infobox person
| name = Ali AL-Hadi
| image = imam hadi.jpg
| caption = Imam Ali al-Hadi shrine
| birth_date = 5 Rajab 214 AH (c. 8 September 829 CE)
|editor=
|publisher=
| birth_place = Medina, Abbasid Empire
| death_date = 3 Rajab 254 AH- aged 38 (21 June 868)
| death_place = Samarra, Abbasid Empire
| death_cause = Poisoning by Al-Mu'tazz according to most Shi'a Muslims
| resting_place = Al-Askari Mosque, Samarra, Iraq
| residence =
| nationality =
| title = Ali ibn Muhammad ibn Ali
|author=
|url=
|access-date=
| successor =
| opponents =
| spouse = Hadīthah or Sūsan (or Salīl)
| children = Hasan al-Askari, Muhammad, Abdullah Jafar Zaki ibn Ali al-Hadi, Ailia
| parents = Muhammad al-Jawad,
Lady Susan
| relatives = Ali al-Rida (grandfather)
| family =
| known for = the 10th Imam of shi'a
| native_name =ابوالحسن علی بن محمد الهادی
}}
'''Ali AL-Hadi''', Abul-Hasan B. Muhammad B. ‘Ali B. Musa al-‘Askari, is the 10th [[imam]] of the [[Imami]] Shiʿites (d. 254/868). Besides Hadi, his most common epithet is Naqi; in Shiʿite sources he is often referred to as Abu’l-Hasan al-Thaleth. He was summoned to [[Samarra]] by the [[Abbasid]] caliph Al-Mutawakkil and lived under direct surveillance of the rulers of his time. There he was treated roughly by the caliph and his successors until, according to [[Shiʿa|Shi’ite]] accounts, he was poisoned through intrigue of Al-Mu'tazz the Abbasid caliph, in 254/868, and was buried in Samarra.
==Birth and Early Life==
He was born, according to the best authenticated report, on 16 Dhu’l-hejja 212/7 March 828 in Sorayya, a village three miles from Medina founded by his great-grandfather, [[Musa al-Kazem]]. Other dates given for his birth are in Rajab or Dhu’l-hejja, 213 or 214/September, 828/January, 830. His mother, Samana or Susan, was probably of Maqrebi origin. When his father, Imam [[Muhammad al-Jawad]], died in Baghdad on 6 Dhu’l-hejja 220/30 November 835, he was still a minor. According to his father’s will, he was to receive his estates, property, and slaves after reaching majority to the exclusion of his brother Musa.
==Imamate==
The followers of his father generally recognized him as imam. Later a small group broke away under unexplained circumstances, claiming that Musa was the imam; they soon returned to allegiance to Ali, since Musa dissociated himself from them.

After the accession of [https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-1/al-mutawakkil-SIM_4949?s.num=402&s.start=400 Mutawakkil] <ref>r. 232-47/847-61</ref> to the caliphate, the governor of Medina, Abdallah b. Muhammad b. Daʾud Hashemi, wrote the caliph, warning about the activity of Ali and his followers. The imam in turn sent a letter to Mutawakkil defending himself against the accusations. Mutawakkil replaced the governor and, in a letter, assured Ali of his highest regard and trust but requested that he move to the caliph’s residence, together with those members of his family, clients, and servants whom he might wish to bring along. He sent Yahya b. Harthama b. Aʿyan to Medina to provide the imam with a military escort. Mutawakkil’s letter as quoted by Kolayni and Shaikh Mofid may well be authentic, though its date was evidently wrongly transmitted to Mofid as Jomada II, 243/October, 857, instead of 233/January, 848. When the imam reached Baghdad, many people gathered to see him, and the governor, the Taherid Eshaq b. Ebrahim, rode out to meet him and stayed with him for part of the night.

He arrived in Samarra on 23 Ramadan 233/1 May 848. The caliph did not immediately receive him but, on the next day, assigned a house for his residence. The imam remained in Samarra for the rest of his life under constant observation. He was evidently able to maintain contact with his representatives among his followers, sending them his instructions and receiving through them the financial contributions of the faithful from the khoms and religious vows.
==Martyrdom ==
According to Shi’ite accounts, he was poisoned through intrigue of Al-Mu'tazz the Abbasid caliph. According to Tabari and Kolayni, he died on 26 Jomada II 254/21 June 868. Other dates mentioned in the sources fall within Jomada II and Rajab 254/June-July, 868. The caliph Moʿtazz sent his brother Abu Ahmad Mowaffaq to lead the funeral prayer for him. When large crowds gathered to lament him, his corpse was returned to his house, which he had bought from the Christian Dolayl b. Yaʿqub, and was buried there. His son Abu Jaʿfar Muhammad, who had originally been expected to succeed him in the imamate, had died before him in Samarra. Two other sons survived him—Hasan, who became his successor, and Jaʿfar.
==In Shiʿite hagiography==
Imami tradition relates many miracles of Imam Ali al-Hadi; he is described in particular as endowed with the knowledge of the languages of the Persians, Slavs, Indians, and Nabateans, as foreknowing unexpected storms and as accurately prophesying deaths and other events. Thus, he is reported to have cursed Mutawakkil and to have correctly predicted his death within three days after the caliph had either humiliated him (by ordering him, together with other Hashimites and dignitaries, to dismount and walk in front of himself and Fath b. Khaqan) or had imprisoned him. In the presence of Mutawakkil, he unmasked a woman falsely claiming to be [[Zaynab]], the daughter of [[Hussain ibn Ali|Imam Hussain]], by descending into a lions’ den in order to prove that lions do not harm true descendants of Ali (a like miracle is also attributed to his grandfather [[Ali al-Rida|Ali al-Reda]]). He brought a lion pictured on a carpet to life and made it swallow an Indian juggler who had, on the order of Mutawakkil, tried to put him to shame by his tricks; and he turned a handful of sand and stones into gold for a needy follower. According to Ebn Babuya, he was poisoned by Mutawakkil or Moʿtamed <ref>r. 256-79/870-92</ref>, neither of whom, however, was caliph at the time of the death of the Imam. A theological treatise on human free will and some other short texts and statements ascribed to him are quoted by Ebn Shoʿba Harrani.<ref>Tohaf al-ʿoqul, Beirut, 1389/1969, pp. 338-58</ref>
==References==
{{reflist|30em}}
==Bibliography==

*Yaʿqubī, II, pp. 591f., 614.
*Nawbaḵtī, Feraq al-šīʿa, ed. H. Ritter, Istanbul, 1931, pp. 77-79.
*Ašʿarī Qomī, al-Maqālāt wa’l-feraq, ed. M. J. Maškūr, Tehran, 1963, pp. 99-101.
*Tabari, III, pp. 1379, 1697.
*Kolayni, al-Kāfī, ed. ʿA. A. Ḡaffārī, Tehran, 1381/1961, I, pp. 323-25, 497-502.
*Masʿūdī, Morūǰ VII, pp. 206-09, 379-83.
*Idem (?), Eṯbāt al-waṣīya, Naǰaf, 1958, pp. 187-97.
*Mofid, al-Eršād, ed. K. Mūsawī Meyāmavī, Tehran, 1377/1957-58, pp. 307-14.
*Taʾrīḵ Baḡdād XII, pp. 56f.
*Sebṭ b. Jawzī, Taḏkerat al-ḵawāṣṣ, Naǰaf, 1383/1964, pp. 359-62.
*Ebn Ḵallekān (Beirut), III, pp. 272f.
*Maǰlesī, Beḥār al-anwār, Tehran, 1335 Š.-/1956-, I, pp. 113-232.
*D. M. Donaldson, The Shiite Religion, London, 1933, pp. 209-16.
*Aʿyān al-šīʿa IV/2, pp. 252-78. EI2 I, p. 713.

==Source==

*[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/ali-al-hadi-abul-hasan-b Encyclopædia Iranica]

[[Category:Individuals]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[Category:Twelver Shi’ism]]
[[Category:The Fourteen Infallibles]]
[[Category:Imams]]
[[Category:Ahl al-Bayt]]

Ali al-Rida

2021-07-06T03:40:58Z

Heydari:

{{infobox person
| name = Ali al-Rida
| native_name = عـلی الرضا
| image = imam rida.jpg
| known_for = The 8th Imam of Shi'a
| birth_date = 11 Dhu al-Qa'dah 148 AH (c. 1 January 766 CE)
| birth_place = Medina, Hijaz, Abbasid Empire (now Saudi Arabia)
| father = Musa al-Kadhim
| mother =Ummul Banīn Najmah
| relatives =
| spouse = Sabīkah aka Khayzurān[2]
| children =
Muhammad al-Taqi (Jawad), Hasan, Hussain, Jafar, Ibrahim, Fatima
| death_date = 17 Safar 202 AH- aged 53 (6 June 818)
| death_place = Tus, Persia, Abbasid Empire (Now Iran)
| resting_place = Imam Reza shrine, Mashhad, Iran
}}
'''Ali al-Rida,''' Abu’L-Hasan B. Musa B. Jaʿfar (d. 203/ 818), is the eighth Imam of the [[Imami]] Shiʿites. In Shiʿite sources he is commonly referred to as Abu’l-Hasan al-Thani in order to distinguish him from his father, Imam [[Musa al-Kazem]], who is known as Abu’l-Hasan al-Awwal. He was born and grew up in Medina. The year of his birth is variously given as 148/765, 151/768, and 153/770. The first date appears least reliable and may have been deduced from a prediction ascribed to his grandfather, who died in that year, that the successor to his son Musa would be born soon. There are indications that Ali may have been born as late as 159/775-76, since, according to Yaʿqubi, he died at the age of forty-four and, according to Waqedi, he began rendering fatwas in his twenties. His mother, whose name is variously given as Toktam, Najma, Shaqraʾ, Shahd, Omm-al-banin, Khayzoran, Sakan, Arwa, or Samman, was probably of Nubian origin.
==Imamat==
His father, Imam [[Musa al-Kazem]], who died in prison in Baghdad in Rajab, 183/September, 799, made him his legatee, and Ali inherited his estate of Sorayyaʾ near Medina to the exclusion of his many brothers. But the death of Imam Musa was denied by several of his wakils; they withheld the money collected from the [https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-2/khums-COM_1417 Khoms] and vows of Imam Musa’s followers and refused to recognize Ali as [[Imam]], promising the return of his father as the Mahdi. This led to a large-scale defection from the ranks of his father’s followers, especially in [[Kufa]] and Baghdad; Ali was later accused by them of diverging from the teaching of his ancestors in some points. Of his brothers, none seems to have claimed the imamate for himself, though some apparently furthered the belief in the survival of their father. According to Waqedi, he transmitted Hadith from his father and his uncles and gave fatwas in the mosque of Medina. Though Waqedi describes him as a reliable transmitter (theqa), he was evidently shunned by Sunni traditionists in Medina, and his transmitters were strictly Shiʿite. There is no good evidence that he ever left Medina for an extended trip before his departure for Khorasan, though a Shiʿite report describes a miraculous visit by him to the communities of his followers in Basra and Kufa after the death of his father. Several of his brothers and his uncle Muhammad b. Jaʿfar participated in the [[ʿAlid|Alid]] revolts in Iraq and Arabia after the death of the caliph [https://www.britannica.com/biography/al-Amin Amin], but he refused any involvement.
==Journey to Khorasan==
In 200/815-16, the caliph [https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-2/al-mamun-SIM_4889 Maʾmun] wrote inviting him to come to Marv and sent Rajaʾ b. Abi’l-Zahhak, cousin of the vizier Fazl b. Sahl, and the eunuch Fernas to accompany him on his trip. Shiʿite sources name in place of Fernas the eunuch Yaser, who later appears in the personal service of the Imam and, after the latter’s death, reported about him in Qom. The assertion by Abu’l-Faraj Esfahani and Mofid that the Imam was accompanied to Marv by the general Isa Joludi is definitely mistaken. The latter in this year suppressed the rebellion of Muhammad b. Jaʿfar in Mecca and took him along to Iraq, where he was surrendered to Rajaʾ b. Abi’l-Zahhak.<ref>Tabari, III, pp. 993-95.</ref>

Rajaʾ thus conveyed both Alids to Khorasan. The Imam seems to have made the pilgrimage to Mecca in this year accompanied by his five-year-old son Muhammad. He set out for Marv early in 201/late summer, 816. His travel route was, according to most sources, via Basra, Ahvaz, and Fars; this was natural since Baghdad and Kufa at this time were in the hands of rebels. Yaʿqubi’s statement that Rajaʾ traveled via Baghdad and Nehavand (Mah al-Basra) is thus erroneous. It is certain that the Imam did not pass through Qom. He visited Nishapur, where the prominent Sunni traditionists like Ebn Rahuya, Yahya b. Yahya, Muhammad b. Rafeʿ, and Ahmad b. Harb came out to meet him, and he stayed for some time in the town. Shiʿite sources report that next to the house where he stayed he planted an almond tree whose fruit had miraculous healing power. A bath in the quarter of his residence was known in the time of Ebn Babuya as Ḥammam al-Rida and people used to come to wash in and drink from a spring there where he had washed himself and prayed.

On a new summons of Maʾmun, the Imam continued on to Marv. According to some Shiʿite accounts, Maʾmun at first proposed to resign from the [[caliphate]] in favor of him. The Imam resisted his proposals for about two months but finally consented reluctantly to an appointment as heir to the caliphate. Maʾmun gave him the title Reza, which had previously been used in Shiʿite rebellions to refer to the descendant of the Prophet upon whose choice as caliph the Muslim community would agree. Shiʿite claims that the name had been given to him by his father appear to be without foundation. The [[bayʿa]] of the dignitaries and army leaders in Marv to the heir-apparent took place according to Tabari on 2 Ramazan 201/23 March 817, according to Suli on 5 Ramazan/27 March. The first to pledge allegiance to Reza, who was dressed in green, was Maʾmun’s still minor son Abbas. Among the poets who offered their eulogies to him on this occasion were Ebrahim b. Abbas Suli and [[Deʿbel Khozaʿi]]. Both wore given 10,000 of the newly minted dirhams bearing the name of the Alid. [[Abbasid|Abbasids]] and Alids then took turns in receiving gifts, the former led by Abbas b. Maʾmun, the latter by Muhammad b. Jaʿfar. After the ceremony, on 7 Ramazan/30 March, an official letter of the caliph announcing the appointment was drawn up to be read in the mosques throughout the empire. Maʾmun gave orders that the name of the crown prince be included in the [https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-2/khutba-SIM_4352 Khutba] everywhere and that the color of the uniforms, official dress, and flags be changed from black, the official Abbasid color, to green. The color green had not previously been associated with the Alids and was probably intended to signify a reconciliation between Abbasids and Alids rather than a surrender to the claims of the latter.
==Debates over Position of Crown Prince==
The extraordinary decision of the caliph, which immediately aroused strong opposition, especially among the Abbasids, was widely attributed, even in Khorasan, to the influence of the Persian vizier Fazl b. Sahl. Among the later historians, this view was supported by Sallami in his Akhbar Khorasan and by Suli, who quoted the Tahirid Obaydallah b. Abdallah b. Taher as affirming that Fazl proposed the appointment to Maʾmun. In other accounts, however, the initiative is ascribed to the caliph himself and Fazl is reported to have at first resisted the appointment pointing out the grave danger of such a move. This version is clearly more in consonance with the known political views of the caliph and the vizier.

According to some reports, the caliph made his decision in fulfillment of an earlier vow that he would turn over the caliphate to a descendant of Ali if he were granted victory over his brother Amin. In his official letter, he explained that he had found Ali al-Rida to be the most excellent and suitable candidate among the descendants of Abdallah b. Abbas and Ali b. Abi Taleb and expressed his hope that his choice would help to restore concord in the Muslim community. In his note of acceptance added to the document, Rida expressed similar sentiments, commending Maʾmun for his efforts to remedy the wrongs previously done to the Alids and promising to treat the Abbasids justly if he should succeed to the caliphate. That Fazl b. Sahl had to be reassured with respect to the caliph’s decision is indicated by the fact that Maʾmun on the same day wrote another letter lauding the vizier’s past services and granting him and his brother Hasan unrestricted powers as well as additional compensation in money, jewels, and land and the right to retire with full honors at any time he might desire.

Maʾmun evidently desired that Rida should immediately share in the rule and in all official ceremonial. Rida, however, is reported to have stipulated that he would not participate in the business of state. He was given his own police force (shorat) and guard (haras) under commanders belonging to the Khorasanian loyalists of Maʾmun as well as a chamberlain (hajeb) and a secretary (kateb). The caliph relied on his judgment in religious questions and arranged for debates between him and Muslim scholars as well as the leaders of other religious communities. At the beginning of the year 202/late summer, 817, the ties between the caliph and Rida were further strengthened as marriages were contracted between Rida and Maʾmun’s daughter Omm Habib, between Rida’s son Muhammad (who was only six years old and remained in Medina) and Maʾmun’s daughter Omm al-Fazl, and between Maʾmun and Buran, daughter of Hasan b. Sahl.

Rida’s relations with Fazl b. Sahl apparently were never good. According to several accounts, the vizier had been hiding from Maʾmun the seriousness of the opposition in Iraq and it was Rida who opened his eyes to it and urged him to return to Baghdad in order to restore peace by his presence. Rida’s assessment of the situation being supported by several army chiefs, Maʾmun decided to leave for Iraq. Fazl b. Sahl whose aim had been to keep the capital in the east, offered his resignation, pointing out the extreme hatred of the Abbasids in Baghdad for him personally and requested the caliph to leave him as governor in Khorasan. Maʾmun again assured him of his complete trust and asked him to compose another letter in the caliph’s name confirming his exceptional privileges. The letter which affirmed the caliph’s unrestricted support of the vizier and his policy and contained the full text of the previous letter, was signed by Maʾmun in Safar, 202/August-September, 817 and, at the request of Fazl, formally confirmed by Riza. It was then sent to be published throughout the empire. Six months later, as Maʾmun slowly moved west with his court, the vizier was murdered in Sarakhs by several army officers, on 2 Shaʿban 202/12 February 818. The caliph ordered their execution, while they claimed to have acted under his order.
==Martyrdom ==
When the Carvan reached Ṭus, Rida fell ill and died after a few days, according to the most reliable accounts on the last day of Safar, 203/September 818. Other dates mentioned range from Safar, 202/September, 817 to Dhu’l-qaʿda, 203/May, 819. The caliph asked a group of Alid relatives of Rida, including his uncle Muhammad b. Jaʿfar, to examine his body in order to have their testimony that he had died a natural death and ordered that he be buried next to the tomb of his own father, Harun al-Rashid, in the house of Homayd b. Qahtaba in Sanabad near Nawqan. He displayed extreme grief and is reported to have walked bareheaded in the funeral procession and to have stayed on the grave for three days. Nevertheless, most of the sources charge him with having poisoned Rida. The sudden demise of both the vizier and the heir-apparent, whose presence would have made any reconciliation with the powerful Abbasid opposition in Baghdad virtually impossible, must indeed arouse strong suspicion that Maʾmun had had a hand in the deaths.
==Miracles==
Imami tradition ascribes to Imam Ali al-Rida numerous miracles demonstrating his foreknowledge of deaths and other events, his ability to read the minds of his visitors, to interpret dreams, and to strike bars of gold out of the earth, his healing power, his knowledge of all human and animal languages, and the fulfillment of his prayers.
==Works==
Several short works are attributed to him:

'''Al-Resalat al-dhahabiya'''

Al-Resalat al-dhahabiya (or al-modahhaba) fi’l-tebb is a treatise on medical cures and the maintenance of good health which is said to have been written for the caliph Mansur at his request. <ref>text edited in Bombay and fully quoted in Majlesi, Behar al-anwar LXII, pp. 308-28.</ref> It was named “the golden treatise” because Maʾmun ordered it to be written with gold ink. Among the Imami bibliographers of the 5th/11th century it was known through the initial transmission of Muhammad b. Hasan b. Jomhur ʿAmmi, a Basran Imami transmitter considered unreliable and extremist. A number of commentaries have been written to it and it has been translated into Persian and Urdu.

'''Sahifat al-Rida'''

Sahifat al-Rida is a collection of 240 Hadiths initially transmitted by Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Amer from his father Ahmad, who stated to have heard it from Rida in 194/809-10. Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Amer is mentioned by Najashias the transmitter of a noskha from Rida.

'''Feqh al-Rida'''

This book was unknown among Imami scholars until the 10th/16th century, when a group of scholars from Qom brought a copy of it containing numerous ejazas to Mecca. It was judged to be authentic by the two Majlesis but later Imami scholars were divided about it, the majority considering its authenticity as doubtful. It has been convincingly argued by S.H. Sadr that the greater part of the book is taken from the otherwise lost Ketab al-taklif of the Imami heretic Muhammad b. Ali Shalmagani. <ref>d. 322/934; see his “Fasl al-qazaʾ fi’l-Ketab al-moshtahar be Feqh al-Rida,” in Ashnayi ba Chand noskha-ye khatti I, Qom, 1396/1976, pp. 389-442.</ref> Other works attributed to Rida are listed in Aʿyan al-Shiʿa. <ref>IV/2, pp. 180ff., and Sezgin, GASI, p. 536.</ref> Shiʿite sources also contain detailed description of his debates on religious questions and quotations of his sayings and his poetry.
==References==
{{reflist|30em}}
==Bibliography==

*See also Ḵalifa b. khayyaṭ, Taʾrikh, ed., A. Ziaʾ Omari, Baghdad, 1386/1967, pp. 508ff.
*Ebn Habib, Asmaʾ al-moghtalin, ed. ʿA. Harun, in Nawader al-makhtutat, 2nd ed., Cairo, 1393/1973, II, pp. 201f.
*Yaʿqubi, II, pp. 544f., 550f.
*Nawbaḵtī, Feraq al-shiʿa, ed. H. Ritter, Istanbul, 1931, pp. 67-74.
*Tabari, III, pp. 1000, 1012ff., 1025ff., 1029ff.
*Kolayni, al-Kafi, ed. ʿA. A. Ghaffari, Tehran, 1381/1961, I, pp. 311-19, 486-92.
*Masʿudi, Moruj II, pp. 3, 59-62.
*Idem, Tanbih, pp. 349ff.
*Abu’l-Faraj Esfahani, Maqatel al-Talebiyin, ed. A. Ṣaqr, Cairo, 1368/1948-49, pp. 561-72.
*Aghani1 IX, pp. 25ff.; XVIII, pp. 29, 42ff.
*Balʿami, Chronique IV, pp. 508-18.
*Ebn Babuya, Oyun Akhbar al-Reza, ed. M. Ḥ. Akhundi, Qom, 1377/1957-58.
*Mofid, al-Ershad, ed. K. Musawi Miamavi, Tehran, 1377/1957-58, pp. 284-96.
*Samʿani (Hyderabad), VI, pp. 139ff.
*Ebn al-Jawzi, Tadhkerat al-khawass, Najaf, 1383/1963-64, pp. 351-58.
*Ebn Ḵallekan (Beirut) III, pp. 269-71.
*Erbeli, Kashf al-ḡomma, ed. E. Mianji, Tabriz, 1381/1961-62, III, pp. 70-184.
*Ebn Hajar, Tahdhib al-tahdhib, Hyderabad, 1325-27/1907-09, VII, pp. 387-89.
*Majlesi, Behar al-anwar, Tehran, 1956-, XXXIX.
*F. Gabrieli, Al-Maʾmun e gli ʿAlidi, Leipzig, 1929, pp. 35ff.
*D. M. Donaldson, The Shiite Religion, London, 1933, pp. 161-69.
*H. E. Hasan, “al-Maʾmun wa-Ali al-Reza,” Majallat kolliyat al-adab, Cairo, 1, 1933, pp. 84-94.
*Aʿyan al-shiʿa IV/2, pp. 77-214.
*D. Sourdel, “La politique religieuse du Calife Abbaside al-Maʾmun,” REI 30, 1962, pp. 33ff.
*W. Madelung, “New Documents concerning al-Maʾmun, al-Faḍl b. Sahl and Ali al-Riḍa,” in Studia Arabica et Islamica: Festschrift for Ihsan Abbas, ed. W. al-Qadi, Beirut, 1981, pp. 333-46.

==Source==

*[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/ali-al-reza Encyclopaedia Iranica]

[[Category: Individuals]]
[[Category: The Fourteen Infallibles]]
[[Category: Twelver Shi’ism]]
[[Category:Imams]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[Category:Ahl al-Bayt]]

Jaʿfar al-Sadiq

2021-07-06T03:40:57Z

Heydari:

{{infobox person
| name =Ja'far al-sadiq
| native_name =جعفر بن محمد الصادق‎‎
| image = Ja'far 1.jpg
| caption = The historical tomb of Al-baqi was destroyed in 1926. Jafar al-Sadiq was one of four Shia imams buried here.
| known_for = The 6th Imam of Shi'a
| birth_date = 83 AH (c. 702 CE)
| birth_place =Medina, Umayyad Empire
| father = [[Mohammad al-Baqir]]
| mother =Farwah bint al-Qasim
| relatives =
| spouse = Fatima bint al-Hussain'l-Athram, Hamīdah al-Barbariyyah
| children = Musa al-Kadhim, Isma'il ibn Jafar, Abdullah al-Aftah, Ishaq, ʿAli al-Uraidhi, Al-Abbas, Muhammad al-Dibaj, Fatima, Umm Farwah, Asmaa
| death_date = 148 AH, aged 62- 63 (765 CE)
| death_place =Medina, Abbasid Empire
| resting_place = Jannat al-Baqi, Medina, Saudi Arabia
}}
'''Jaʿfar al-Sadiq''', Abu Abd-Allah, the sixth [[imam]] of the Imami Shiʿites. He was the eldest son of Imam [[Mohammad al-Baqir|Muhammad al-Baqir]] and, on the side of his mother, Omm Farwa, a descendent of Abu Bakr by four generations.<ref>Tabari, III/IV, p. 2509; Yaʿqubi, II, p. 458; Ebn Qotayba, p. 215.</ref> He spent most of his life in Medina, where he built up a circle of followers primarily as a theologian, [[Hadith]] transmitter, and jurist (faqih).

An erudite jurist of Medina, al-Sadiq was associated with a wide range of scholars. Abu Hanifa, and Malik b. Anas, among other prominent figures, are alleged to have heard hadith from him. Regarded as a reliable traditionalist in Sunni circles, he is cited in several isnads (chains of transmissions). Al-Sadiq is credited with the construction of a legal system called Ja’fari school of law, which Shi’ites follow. He is also seen as an eminent ascetic and is revered in Sufi circles. According to the alchemist Jabir al-Hayyan, al-Sadiq was also a teacher in alchemy.
==Biography ==
The most extensive biographical sources for Jaʿfar al-Sadiq are to be found amongst the various Shiʿite branches, though the exact date of his birth, or his accession to the [[imamate]] are uncertain. Most sources mention 83/702 for his birth <ref>though 80/699 and 86/705 are also recorded; e.g., Yaʿqubi, II, p. 458; Masʿudi, IV, p. 132; ʿAmeli, IV/2, p. 29.</ref> Similarly, the date when he became imam <ref>that is, the death of his father, the fifth imam, Muhammad al-Baqir</ref> is recorded as 117/735 in most sources.<ref>though 114/732 and 126/743 are also found in some sources; e.g., Ebn Qotayba, p., 215; ʿAmeli, IV/2, p. 3</ref> His death date is almost universally agreed to have been 148/765.

Imam Jaʿfar al-Sadiq’s life spanned the latter half of the [[Umayyad]] dynasty ruling from Damascus, which was marked by various rebellions (mainly by Shiʿite movements), the rise of the Abbasids (a movement that drew on Shiʿite themes), and the establishment of the [[Abbasid]] [[caliphate]] in Baghdad. Throughout this period, he appears to have maintained the politically quietist stance of his father, Imam Muhammad al-Baqir. Whether the revolt of Imam al-Baqir’s half-brother Zayd b. Ali in 122/740 was during Jaʿfar al-Sadiq’s imamate or that of his father depends on which of the various dates for the latter’s death is taken. It is clear, however, that Jaʿfar al-Sadiq did not wish to be associated with the revolt and, according to a number of reports Shaikh Mofid <ref>Ershad II, pp. 174-75</ref> condemned the uprising, since he believed that the rebellion would be counter-productive and ultimately harmful to the true community of believers (i.e., the Shiʿites). Similarly, he refused to be involved in the Abbasid uprising and offered no support even after the Abbasids gained power in 132/750. His motives for this refusal were grounded in his belief that he alone was the [[imam]], having been designated as such by the preceding imam, his father. This belief was founded on the doctrine of nass (clear designation) of the incumbent imam of his successor. Nass was in turn based on the notion that the incumbent imam was protected from error by God ([[Isma|‘Isma]] “inerrency”). Therefore, the incumbent imam’s designation was, in effect, a revealing of God’s will for the future leadership of the Shiʿites. Some, particularly the followers of Zayd (the [[Zaydiyah]]), did not recognize this doctrine and branched off to form their own distinct Shiʿite tradition, with quite different notions of the functions of an imam.
===Imamate===
Apart from those traditions that record the explicit designation of Jaʿfar al-Sadiq as imam by his father, there is also a bundle of historical accounts of Jaʿfar al-Sadiq acting as [[Mohammad al-Baqir|Muhammad al-Baqir]]’s traveling companion. Such stories reinforce the closeness of the father-son relationship and further secure Jaʿfar al-Sadiq’s imamate in the face of Zaydi attack. In particular, there is the story of Imam al-Baqir being summoned to Damascus by Hesham b. Abd-al-Malek (r. 724-43) after besting Nafeʿ in debate over the powers of Imam [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|Ali b. Abi Taleb]] (q.v.). Jaʿfar al-Sadiq accompanied his father on this journey.<ref>for an account of the debate and its aftermath, see Qomi, II, pp. 246-86</ref> Such explicit confrontations with the ruling power were, however, rare for both of them. Just as he had refused to be involved in the uprisings of Zayd or the Abbasids against Umayyad rule, Jaʿfar al-Sadiq offered no support to the uprising of his own cousin Muhammad b. Abd-Allah b. Hasan, called al-Nafs al-Zakiya (the Pure Soul) and referred to as al-Mahdi <ref>Ebn al-Teqtaqa, pp. 132-33</ref>, in 145/762 against the Abbasids after they had gained power in Baghdad.
===Circle of Scholarship===
Jaʿfar al-Sadiq acquired a number of followers and supporters, most (though not all) of Shiʿite persuasion. He is respected by the Sunnis as a transmitter of [[Hadith]] and a jurist (faqih), while the Shiʿites, who consider him an imam and as such infallible, record his sayings and actions in works of Hadith and jurisprudence (feqh, q.v.). The Ismaʿili jurist Qazi Abu Hanifa Noʿman b. Muhammad Qayrawani (d. 363/974), has preserved a number of Jaʿfar al-Sadiq’s legal opinions, presenting them as authoritative expositions of the Islamic religious law.<ref>shariʿa; see, e.g., Daʾaʾem I, p. 4</ref> In [[imami]] Shiʿite writings, his legal dicta constitute the most important source of imami law. Indeed, imami legal doctrine is called al-Madhhab al-Jaʿfari by both Imamis and Sunnis in recognition of his legal authority. A number of works are attributed to him, though none of these can be securely described as authored by Jaʿfar al-Sadiq. Included in this list is a Quran commentary (tafsir), a work on divination (Ketab al-jafr), various versions of his will, and a number of collections of legal dicta <ref>Sezgin, I, pp. 528-32, IV, pp. 128-31, VII, pp. 323-24; ʿAmeli, IV/2, pp. 52 ff.; Aga Bozorg Tehrani, III, p. 121, XXI, pp. 110-11</ref>. In addition to these, there are many reports attributed to him in the early Shiʿite Hadith collections; he features as a central source of imami doctrine, for example, in Muhammad b. Yaʿqub Kolayni’s al-Kafi.

Jaʿfar al-Sadiq’s circle of followers included two of the most important imami theologians, namely, Abu Muhammad Hesham b. Hakam (d. 179/796) and Abu Jaʿfar Muhammad b. Noʿman (d. after 183/799). Hesham proposed a number of doctrines that later became orthodox imami theology, including the rational necessity of the divinely guided imam in every age to teach and lead God’s community. Muhammad b. Noʿman (nicknamed Shaytan al-Taq) held anthropomorphist doctrines, which on occasions clashed with later imami theology. <ref>influenced as it was by [https://www.britannica.com/topic/Mutazilah Moʿtazelite] thought; for their works see Ebn al-Nadim, pp. 223-24, tr. pp. 437-38</ref>

Jaʿfar al-Sadiq is also recorded as having taught with, or studied under Abu Hanifa and Malek b. Anas, two of the eponyms of the Sunni legal schools (the [[Hanafiya]] and the [[Malekiya]] respectively). More is recorded concerning the relationship between Abu Hanifa and Jaʿfar al-Sadiq. Shiʿite sources portray Jaʿfar al-Sadiq as consistently humbling Abu Hanifa, pointing out defects in his reasoning and his incompetence in legal argument.<ref>see, e.g., Ebn Babawayh, ʿElal al-Shariʿa I, p. 86</ref> They clearly arose out of a Shiʿi-Sunni (and more specifically Shiʿi-Hanafi) polemic, though they may reflect the character of the relationship between the two jurists.
===Death and Succession===
According to most sources, Jaʿfar al-Sadiq died in 148/765 <ref>e.g., Masʿudi, IV, pp. 132-33</ref>, supposedly poisoned by the Abbasid caliph al-Mansur. He had designated Abu Muhammad Esmaʿil (q.v.), his eldest son by his first wife, Fatima, as the next imam, but Esmaʿil had predeceased him. Some claimed that Esmaʿil had not died, but was in hiding; others claimed that Esmaʿil’s son, Muhammad, should be the next imam. Both of these groups went on to form the [[Isma’ili|Ismaʿiliyah]] (q.v.) Shiʿite.<ref>Daftary, pp. 93-99</ref> Others claimed that after Esmaʿil, Jaʿfar al-Sadiq had designated his second eldest son Abd-Allah al-Aftaḥ as the next imam. The majority, though, supported the imamate of Musa al-Kazem, son of Hamida (or Homayda, a Berber slave) and Jaʿfar al-Sadiq, as the imam. It was this line which went to form the [[Twelver]] (imami) Shiʿite, which has predominated in Persia since the 16th century.<ref>Daftary, pp. 93-99; ʿAmeli, IV/2, p. 80</ref>
==Teachings==
The one doctrine in which a reasonably coherent doctrine merges from Jaʿfar al-Sadiq’s statements is on the [[imamate]]. The imam for Jaʿfar al-Sadiq (as portrayed in the imami Hadith collections) is clearly not only a supreme legal authority, but also a means whereby the individual believer can gain knowledge of God. The supremacy of the imam’s knowledge is such that the individual believer need not embark on detailed theological argumentation himself, but instead should refer all disputes over theological doctrine to the imam.

The manner in which these doctrines are expressed by Jaʿfar al-Sadiq in the collections are sufficiently vague for them to be cited both by later orthodox imamis and by more extremist Shiʿites. For example, a report of Jaʿfar al-Sadiq, transmitted through Mofazzal b. Omar and found in the standard imami Hadith collections, claims for the imams all human knowledge: “We have knowledge of the Torah, the Gospel, and the Psalms, and the explanation of all that is on the Tablets.” When asked if this was all of knowledge (al-ʿelm), he replied, “This is not knowledge. Knowledge is that which happens day after day, and hour after hour”.<ref>Kolayni, 1994, I, pp. 224-25</ref> From such a statement it is not clear whether the imam has both knowledge of the past scriptures and of worldly events, or only the former. The extremists (and indeed some more daring imami theologians) interpret the statement as meaning that the imam has both types of knowledge, and hence as further supporting evidence for the divinational knowledge of Jaʿfar al-Sadiq found in the pseudographical literature mentioned above. More conservative imamis interpret Jaʿfar al-Sadiq as stating that whilst they have knowledge of past scriptures, they do not have knowledge of future events.

In legal matters, the corpus of Jaʿfar al-Sadiq’s statements form the major source of imami jurisprudence. He is presented as one who denounces the legal reasoning of his contemporaries. Personal opinion (raʾy), personal juristic reasoning (ejtehad), and analogical reasoning (qias) are roundly condemned as human attempts to impose conformity, regularity, and predictability onto the Shariʿa of God. Jaʿfar al-Sadiq, in these statements, argues that God’s law is occasional and unpredictable, and that the servants’ duty is not to embark on reasoning in order to discover the law, but to submit to the inscrutable will of God as revealed by the imam. This position is most obviously seen in the various exchanges between Jaʿfar al-Sadiq and Abu Hanifa (q.v.), after whom the Hanafi school of Islamic law is named. Abu Hanifa supposedly studied with Jaʿfar al-Sadiq, but the reports recorded in imami Hadith collections do not portray him in a positive light. He is recorded as having employed analogical reasoning in his legal judgements, and Jaʿfar al-Sadiq is well known as one who rejected this approach. In one exchange Jaʿfar asked Abu Hanifa whether it is true that he uses qias. Abu Hanifa confirms this, to which Jaʿfar al-Sadiq replies, “Do not use qias for the first to use qias was the Devil himself”.<ref>Kolayni, 1994, I, p. 58</ref> In another exchange, Abu Hanifa asked Jaʿfar al-Sadiq about temporary marriage (motʿa), and received the reply that this is what is referred to in the Quranic verse “For what you have enjoyed from them, give them their due as a duty” (4:24). Abu Hanifa replies “By God, I have never read this verse”.<ref>or alternatively “it is as if I had never read this verse”; see Horr Ameli, Wasaʾel, XXVIII, p. 8</ref> Reports such as this, where Abu Hanifa is bested by Jaʿfar al-Sadiq and exposed as of inferior intellect, are extremely common, and clearly function as part of an anti-Sunni (and more specifically, anti-Hanafi) polemic. References in imami literature to the relationships between Jaʿfar al-Sadiq and Malek b. Anas are less narrative, and Malek is normally portrayed simply as one who relates Hadith from Jaʿfar al-Sadiq.<ref>e.g., Ebn Babawayh, p. 128</ref> Non-imami Shiʿite sources, especially the Daʿa-ʾem al-Eslam of the Ismaʿil Qazi Noʿman, also contain reports of the legal opinions of Jaʿfar al-Sadiq, along with those of his father Muhammad al-Baqir. In general, the reports here agree with those of the imami sources, and, according to Wilferd Madelung, provide a common legal source for the two Shiʿite groupings, and (more tantalizingly) a core of legal teaching which might be more assuredly traced back to Jaʿfar al-Sadiq himself.

Despite Jaʿfar al-Sadiq’s emphasis on the imam’s supreme legal authority in the imami sources, there are also hints at a more devolved system of legal authority. Most famous amongst Jaʿfar al-Sadiq’s saying in this regard is known as the Maqbula of Omar b. Hanzala. Ebn Hanzala was a disciple of Jaʿfar al-Sadiq and is cited in the esnads as relating a number of sayings from his master, and through intermediaries from Imam al-Baqir. In the Maqbula, Ebn Hanzala asks how legal disputes within the community should be solved, and whether one should take such cases to the ruler (sultan) and his judges. Jaʿfar al-Sadiq replies in the negative, indicating that he considered at least the Umayyad and Abbasid caliphates illegitimate. He describes the state apparatus as taghut (an idol or demon) in the Maqbula and says that those who take their disputes to the rulers and their judges get only soht.<ref>unlawful decision; Ebn Babawayh, Man la yahḏoroho al-faqih III, p. 3</ref> This is a common motif in subsequent imami juridical literature, as most jurists considered any state not led by the imam himself to be illegitimate, citing the Maqbula (amongst other reports from the imams) as evidence of this. In place of the state system, Jaʿfar al-Sadiq appears to recommend an informal, and unofficial system of justice for the Shiʿite community. The disputants, he claims, should turn to “those who relate our [i.e., the imams’] Hadiths.” The reason for this is that the imams have “made such a one a judge (hakem) over you.” Subsequent questions within the report prompt Jaʿfar al-Sadiq to list the means whereby a believer might choose between apparently equally qualified Hadith transmitters.<ref>see, for example, Tusi, VI, p. 218</ref> The report itself has been variously interpreted by subsequent imami scholars. Some considered it to confer general legal (and for some, political) authority upon the scholars after the occultation (ghayba) of the twelfth imam. Others considered Jaʿfar al-Sadiq to be referring solely to Hadith transmitters and not to the olamaʾ (scholars) in general. Whichever interpretation one favors, however, it is clear that the ultimate legal authority of the imam, in this case Jaʿfar al-Sadiq, is to be tempered through his appointment of judges of the people in his place. While the imam has optimum community legal authority, he also may, when the need arises, appoint certain persons to act as judges in his stead. Whether this delegation applies only to the time of the imams’ presence, and whether it refers to all scholars or just one subset of the olamaʾ was the subject of much subsequent debate amongst the imamiya. Jaʿfar al-Sadiq’s words may have enabled the imamiya to develop an internal means of dispute resolution (and therefore avoid involvement in the judicial system of the ruling state). They did not, however, describe this alternative system in detail. That task was left to subsequent imami thinkers.

The variety of uses to which Jaʿfar al-Sadiq’s name has been put, and the ideas and teachings which have been attributed to him, are significant not only because they establish him as an important figure in the history of early Islamic thought, but also because they demonstrate the malleability of his legacy. The works attributed to him may be of dubious authenticity, but they do establish his name at least as indicating a mastery of learning generally, and the Islamic sciences in particular. It is the manner in which his contribution has been recast and, at times, re-invented that enables him to be employed by writers in the different Islamic sciences as integral to their development.

==Sayings about Imam Hussain ==

=== Hadith on Visiting Imam Hussain’s Grave ===
Imam Ja’far as-Sadiq recites a special supplication during his prostration that has been transmitted to us by Mu’awiyah Ibn Wahab. The Imam used to say the following whenever he prostrated:

“Lord! You are the One Who chose us to receive Your bliss, promised us to intercede, granted us the knowledge of what passed and of what remains, made the hearts of some people lean towards us: I invoke You to forgive me and my brethren and those who visit the gravesite of my grandfather al-Hussain, those who spend their wealth and exhaust themselves out of their desire to express their devotion to us, hoping to earn the rewards which You have for all those who maintain their link with us, and because of the pleasure they bring to Your Prophet, and out of their response to our own order to do so. Reward them for having vexed our enemy as they sought Your Pleasure. Do reward them, O Lord, on our behalf, and grant them sustenance during the night and the day, and be generous to their families and offspring, those who succeed them in doing such good deeds. Be their Friend; ward off from them the evil of all stubborn tyrants, all those from among Your creatures. Protect their weak from the evil of the mighty ones, be they demons, humans, or jinns. And grant them the best of what they aspire as they estrange themselves from their home-lands, and for preferring us over their sons, families, and kinsfolk. Lord! Our enemies find fault with their going out to visit our shrines, yet it does not stop them from doing so, unlike those who oppose us. Lord! Have mercy on the faces transformed by the heat of the sun. Have mercy on the cheeks that touch the grave of Abu ‘Abdullah, al-Hussain. Have mercy on the eyes that weep out of kindness to us. Have mercy on the hearts that are grieved on our account and are fired with passion for us. And have mercy on those who mourn us. Lord! I implore You to be the Custodian of these souls and bodies till You bring them to the Pool [of Kawthar] on the Day of the great thirst.”

When Mu’awiyah Ibn Wahab regarded this supplication as giving “too much” for those who visit the gravesite of [[Hussain ibn Ali|Imam Hussain]], Imam as-Sadiq said to him, “Those in the heavens who supplicate for those who visit al-Hussain's gravesite are more numerous than those who do so on earth” .<ref>Narrated by al-Kulayni in his book Al-Kafi, by Ibn Qawlawayh on p. 116 of Kamil al-Ziyarat by Ibn Qawlawayh al-Qummi, and by as-Saduq on p. 54 of his book titled Thawab al-A’mal.</ref>

==References==
{{reflist|30em}}
==Bibliography==

*Abd-al-ʿAziz Sayyed-al-Ahl, Jaʿfar b. Muhammad, Beirut, 1954.
*Āḡā Bozorg Ṭehrāni, al-Ḏariʿa elā taṣānif al-šiʿa, 24 vols. in 27, Najaf and Tehran, 1936-78.
*Moḥsen al-Amin Ḥosayni Ameli, Aʿyān al-šiʿa, ed. Hasan al-Amin, Beirut, 1962, IV/2, pp. 29-79.
*Abu’l-Hasan Alī b. Esmāʿīl Ašʿarī, Ketab maqālāt al-eslāmīyīn wa eḵtelāf al-moṣellīn, ed. Helmut Ritter, Cairo, 2000.
*Farhad Daftary, The Ismāʿīlīs: Their History and Doctrines, Cambridge etc., 1990.
*Ebn al-Nadim, Ketab al-fehrest, ed. Reżā Tajaddod, Tehran, 1971; tr. Bayard Dodge as The Fihrist of al-Nadīm: A Tenth-Century Survey of Muslim Culture, 2 vols., New York, 1979.
*Ebn Qotayba, Ketab al-maʿāref, ed. Ṯarwat ʿOkāša, Cairo, 1960.
*Ebn al-Ṭeqṭaqā, al-Faḵri fi’al-ādāb al-solṭāniya wa’l-dowal al-eslāmiya, Egypt, n.d. S. H. M. Jafri, The Origins and Early Development of Shiʿa Islam, London and New York, 1979, pp. 259-79.
*Ahmad Kazemi Mousavi, Religious Authority in Shiʿite Islam: From the Office of Mufti to the Institution of Marjaʿ, Kuala Lampur, 1996. Muhammad b. Yaʿqub al-Kolayni, al-Kāfi fi ʿlm al-din, Tehran, 1994.
*Abu’l-Hasan Ali Masʿudi, Moruj al-ḏahab wa maʿāden al-jawhar, ed. Charles Pellat, 7 vols., Beirut, 1962-79; tr. Barbier de Meynard and Pavet de Courteille as Les prairies d’or, rev. and corrected by Charles Pellat, 3 vols., Paris, 1965.
*Hasan b. Musa Nawbaḵti, Ketab feraq al-šiʿa, tr. Muhammad-Jawād Maškur as Tarjama-ye Feraq al-šiʿa-ye Nawbaḵti, Tehran, 1974.
*Abu Hanifa Qāżi Noʿman b. Muhammad Tamimi, Daʿāʾem al-Eslām fi ḏekr al-ḥalāl wa’l-ḥarām wa’l-qażāya wa’l-aḥkām, ed. ʿĀṣaf A. A. Fayżi (Fyzee), 2 vols., Cairo, 1951-61; tr. A. A. A. Fyzee, as The Pillars of Islam, completely revised and annotated by Ismail K. Poonawala, 2 vols., New Delhi, 2002-04.
*Ali b. Ebrāhim Qomi, Tafsir al-Qomi, Najaf, 1387/1967.
*Abu’l-Fatḥ Muhammad b. Abd-al-Karim Shahrastani, Ketab al-melal wa’l-neḥal, ed. William Cureton, Leipzig, 1928; tr. Theodore Haarbrücker as Religionsparthien und Philosophen-Schulen, 2 vols. in 1, Hildesheim, 1969; tr. Afżal-al-Din Ṣadr Torka Eṣfahāni, ed. Sayyed Muhammad-Reżā Jalāli Nāʾini, Tehran, 1956.
*Fuat Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, 8 vols., Leiden, 1967-82.
*Muhammad b. Jarir Tabari, Ketab taʾriḵ rosol wa’l-moluk, ed, M. J. de Goeje et al., 15 vols., Leiden, 1964, III/IV, pp. 2059-60; tr. by various scholars as The History of al-Tabari, 40 vols., Albany, 1985-2007, XXXIX, pp. 248-49.
*Aḥmad b. Abi Yaʿqub Yaʿqubi, Taʾrikò, ed. M. Th. Houtsma, 2 vols., Leiden, 1969, pp. 458-60.

==Source==

*[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/jafar-al-sadeq-i-life Encyclopaedia Iranica - entry of jafar al-sadeq-i-life]
*[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/jafar-al-sadeq-ii-teachings Encyclopaedia Iranica - entry of jafar-al-sadeq-ii-teachings]
*[http://alhassanain.org/Maqtal%20al-Husayn%20Martyrdom%20Epic%20of%20Imam%20al-Husayn%20('a)/Maqtal_al-_Husayn_Martyrdom_Epic_of_Imam_al-Husayn_('a)_html/Maqtal_al-_Husayn_Martyrdom_Epic_of_Imam_al-Husayn_('a).htm Abd al Razzaq al-Muqarram, Maqtal al-Husayn Martyrdom Epic of Imam al-Husayn]

[[Category:Individuals]]
[[Category:Twelver Shi’ism]]
[[Category:The Fourteen Infallibles]]
[[Category:Imams]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[Category:Ahl al-Bayt]]

Mohammad al-Baqir

2021-06-28T11:18:58Z

Heydari:

{{infobox person
| name =Mohammad al-Baqir
| native_name = محمد بن علی بن حسین بن علی بن أبی طالب‎
| image = baqi1.jpg
| known_for = 5th Imam of the Shia
| birth_date = Rajab 1, 57/May 10, 677
| birth_place =Medinah, Hijaz
| father =[[Ali b. al-Hussain|Ali ibn al-Hussain]]
| mother =Fatima bt. al-Hasan
| relatives =[[Hussain ibn Ali]] (fatherly grandfather)
| spouse =Umm Farwa, Umm Hakim
| children = [[Jaʿfar al-Sadiq|Ja'far]], Ibrahim, 'Ali, 'Abd Allah, 'Ubayd Allah, Zaynab, Umm Salama
| death_date = Dhu l-Hijja 7, 114/January 28, 733
| resting_place = Al-Baqi' cemetery
}}
Mohammad B. Ali B. Hussain B. Ali B. Abi Taleb, known as '''Mohammad al-Baqir''', is the fifth [[imam]] of the Twelver Shiʿites.

==Lineage==
Mohammad al-Baqir, the fifth imam of the Twelver Shiʿites was the son of [[Ali b. al-Hussain|Ali ibn Hussain]]. His mother was Omm ʿAbd-Allah Fatima, Hasan b. Ali’s daughter, who is described as a saintly woman.

==Name and Epithets==
His honorary name al-Baqir is commonly held to refer to his “splitting open knowledge (Baqir al-ʿelm),” signifying his erudition in the religious sciences. It was said that the Prophet Mohammad named him so when he predicted the birth of his great-great-grandson and charged the long-lived companion [[Jaber Ansari]] (d. 73/692) with conveying his salutations to him.

==Birth and Death==
According to most Shiʿite sources, he was born in Medina in 57/677 and died there in 114/732 at the age of 57. The preference for these dates seems to rest partly on the parallelism of 57. According to another Shiʿite report, he predicted correctly his death at 58 years, just as his ancestors Ali, Hussain, and Ali b. Hussain had all been killed, or died, at 58. According to Waqedi, he died in 117/735 and, according to Khalifa b. Khayyat, in 118/736<ref>''Taʾrikh Khalifa b. al-Khayyat'', ed. A. Ḏ. ʿOmari, Beirut, 1397/1977, p. 349</ref> . These dates seem more likely since the reports about the rising of his brother Zayd in 120-22/738-40 suggest that he had died only recently so that the question of the succession was still open among his Kufan followers. The death date mentioned by Mas’udi<ref>''Morūj'' VI, p. 17</ref> , 125-26/743-44, is definitely too late. Equally unacceptable is the birth date 44/664 implied by Waqedi, since his father is known to have been 23 years old at the [[battle of Karbala]] in 61/680. Other dates given for al-Baqir’s birth are 54/676 and 59/678-79.

==Early Life==
Most of his life he stayed in Medina. As an infant he was present at the battle of Karbala. According to Madaʾeni<ref>''Aḡani'', p. 13</ref> , his father sent him and his brother ʿAbd-Allah together with the wife and family of Marwan b. Hakam to Taʾef just before the siege of Medina under Yazid in 63/683. This was done for the safety of his sons, who were still minor children, and of Marwan’s wife as is evident from the parallel report of [[Abu Mekhnaf]]<ref>Ṭabarī, II, pp. 410, 420</ref> in which, however, only ʿAbd-Allah is mentioned not his brother, al-Baqir.

==In Sunni Sources==
Sunni and Shiʿite sources agree in describing him as an eminent religious scholar. Tabari quotes al-Baqir in his history frequently about details of the life of Mohammad and Ali and cites a detailed report of his about the events leading up to the death of Hussain at Karbala. He is invariably considered a trustworthy transmitter by the Sunni [[hadith]] experts. Nasaʾi mentions him as one of the early legal scholars (foqahaʾ) of Medina. Abu Dawud included a hadith transmitted by him in his Sonan. Numerous edifying sayings of his were narrated in Sufi circles.

==Legacy==
In Shiʿite tradition, al-Baqir appears as the inaugurator of the religious and legal teaching that was further elaborated by his son [[Jaʿfar al-Sadiq]] and formed the basis of [[Ithna ‘Ashariyah|Imami Shiʿism]]. Here he stood within the tradition of the radical wing of the Shiʿites, repudiating the caliphate of Abu Bakr, ʿOmar, and ʿOthman and endowing the Shia imams with supernatural qualities and knowledge. He shunned, however, revolutionary activity and espoused the principle of taqiya, precautionary dissimulation. He is quoted as stating: “Taqiya is part of my religion and the religion of my fathers. Whoever has no taqiya has no faith.” Al-Baqir’s views on legal and ritual questions are frequently quoted in Imami and Zaydi works. It is clear that some of the basic characteristics and specific rules of Twelver Shiʿite law, like the permission for the temporary marriage (motʿa) and the prohibition of the ritual wiping of the shoes (mash ʿala’l-ḵoffayn), go back to him. A commentary on the Koran attributed to al-Baqir was transmitted by his disciple Abu’l-Jarud Ziad b. Monder and is quoted frequently in the Tafsir of Ali b. Ebrahim Qomi. It reflects a strictly predestinarian theology<ref>see W. Madelung, “The Shiite and Khārijite Contribution to pre-Asḥʿarite ''Kalām'',” in P. Morewedge, ed., ''Islamic Philosophical Theology'', Albany, 1979, pp. 136-37 n. 51</ref> . Al-Baqir appears often as the author of apocalyptic prophecies, transmitted from him mostly by the Shiʿite traditionist Jaber Joʿfi. In spite of their Shiʿite character, such prophecies were taken over and transmitted by Sunni traditionists. Although some elements of this material may go back to al-Baqir, most of it consists of later elaborations posterior even to Jaber<ref>see Madelung, “The Sufyānī between Tradition and History,” ''Stud. Isl.'' 63, 1986, esp. pp. 10-11, 34-35</ref> . The Shiʿite biographical sources narrate numerous stories of a legendary character about al-Baqir’s debates with religious leaders and scholars like Tawus, Qatada b. Deʿama, Mohammad b. Monkader, Abu Hanifa, ʿAmr b. ʿObayd, Nafeʿ b. Azraq and his son ʿAbd-Allah b. Nafeʿ, whom he stunned by his religious learning. They ascribe many miracles to him, like his conversing with ring-turtledoves and a wolf, his answering questions of jinnis on religious law and his being served by a jinni, his being visited by Khezr and the prophet Elias, his restoring youth to the aged Habbaba Walebiya and giving temporary eyesight to the blind Abu’l-Basir, and his causing an earthquake by lightly moving a thread brought by the angel Gabriel from heaven. According to some anachronistic stories he died poisoned by the caliph ʿAbd-al-Malek (d. 86/705) with a poisoned saddle or by the caliph Ebrahim b. Walid (ruling in 127/745).

==Bibliography==

*Ebn Saʿd, V. pp. 235-38.
*Balāḏorī, Ansāb al-ašrāf III, ed. ʿAbd-al-ʿAzīz Dūrī, Beirut, 1398/1978, p. 116.
*Yaʿqubī, Taʾrīḵ, pp. 365-66, 384-85.
*Anonymous, Aḵbār al-dawla al-ʿabbāsīya, ed. ʿAbd-al-ʿAzīz Dūrī and A. Moṭallebī, Beirut, 1971, p. 132, 169, 184-85, 204-05.
*Nawbaḵtī, Feraq al-šī‌ʿa, ed. H. Ritter, Istanbul, 1931, pp. 52-55 and index.
*Ṭabarī, index s.v. Mohammad b. Ali b. al-Hussain. Abu Jaʿfar Mohammad Kolaynī, al-Oṣūl men al-kāfī, ed. Ali-Akbar Ḡaffārī, Tehran, 1388/1968-69, I, pp. 303-04, 469-72.
*Aḡānī 1 I, p. 13; VIII, p. 43; XV, pp. 123, 126; XVI, p. 88; XX, p. 147.
*Abu ʿAbd-Allāh Mohammad Mofīd, al-Eršād, ed. Kāẓem Mūsawī Mīāmavī, Tehran, 1377/1957-58, pp. 245-54, tr. I. K. A. Howard, London, 1981, pp. 393-407.
*Abu Noʿaym Eṣfahānī, Ḥelyat al-awlīāʾ, Cairo, 1932-38, III, pp. 180-92.
*Abu Ali Fażl b. Ḥasan Ṭabresī, Eʿlām al-warā be-aʿlam al-hodā, ed. Ali Akbar Ḡaffārī, Beirut, 1399/1979, pp. 259-65.
*Abu’l-Faraj b. al-Jawzī, Ṣefat al-ṣafwa, Hyderabad, 1389/1969, II, pp. 60-63.
*Ebn Ḵallekān (Beirut), IV, p. 174.
*Erbelī, Kašf al-ḡomma fī maʿrefat al-aʾemma, Qom, 1381/1961, II, pp. 329-66.
*Abu ʿAbd-Allāh Mohammad Ḏahabī, Sīār aʿlām al-nobalāʾ IV, ed. Maʾmūn Sāḡerjī, Beirut, 1401/1981, pp. 401-09.
*Ṣalāḥ-al-Dīn Ḵalīl Ṣafadī, al-Wāfī be’l-wafayāt IV, ed. S. Dedering, Wiesbaden, 1394/1974, pp. 102-03.
*Ebn Ḥajar ʿAsqalānī, Tahḏīb al-tahḏīb, Hyderabad, 1325-27/1907-09, IX, pp. 350-52.
*Mohammad-Baqir Majlesī, Beḥār al-anwār, Tehran, 1376-1405/1956-85, XCVI, pp. 212-367.
*Aʿyān al-šīʿa IV/2, pp. 3-28.
*D. M. Donaldson, The Shiite Religion, London, 1933, pp. 112-19.
*M. G. S. Hodgson, “How Did the Early Shiʿa Become Sectarian?” JAOS 75, 1955, pp. 10-13.
*S. H. M. Jafri, Origins and Development of Shīʿa Islam, London, 1979, index s.v. Muḥammad al-Bāqir.

==Source==

*[https://iranicaonline.org/articles/baqer-abu-jafar-mohammad Iranica Online]

==References==
[[Category:Individuals]]
[[Category:Twelver Shi’ism]]
[[Category:The Fourteen Infallibles]]
[[Category:Imams]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[Category:Ahl al-Bayt]]
<references />

Ali b. al-Hussain

2021-06-27T11:12:21Z

Heydari:

{{infobox person
| name = Ali b. Al-Hussain
| native_name = زین العابدین
| image = baqi.jpg
| known_for =
| birth_date = Sha'ban 5, 38/January 6, 659
| birth_place = Medina
| father = Hussain ibn Ali
| mother = Shahrbanu
| relatives = Muhammad (maternal great grandfather), Ali ibn Abi Talib (paternal grandfather), Fatima (maternal grandmother), Hasan ibn Ali (uncle), hussain ibn Ali (father), Umm Kulthum bint Ali (aunt), Ali al-Akbar ibn Al-Hussain (brother), Ali al-Asqar (brother)
| spouse =
| children =
| death_date = Muharram 25, 95/October 20, 713 in Medina
| death_place =
| resting_place = Al-Baqi' cemetery
}}'''Ali b. al-Hussain''' b. Ali b. Abi Talib, Zayn al-Abidin (“Ornament of the Worshippers”), is the fourth [[Imam]] of the [[Twelver Shi’a]]. His kunya (his other names) is variously given as Abu Abd Allah, Abu Bakr, Abu’l-Hussain, Abu’l-Hasan, etc. According to most sources, he was born in 38/658-59 in Medina. At [[Karbala]], Zayn al-Abidin is said to have been too ill to join in the fighting; after the battle [[Shimr b. Dhi l-Jawshan|Shimr b. Dhi ‘l-Jawshan]] found him lying on a mat in the women’s tent and ordered him to be killed but was overruled by [[ʿOmar b. Saʿd|Omar b. Saʿd]], the commander of the Syrian army. When Ali was brought before [[Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad|Obayd Allah b. Ziyad]] in Kufa, the governor ordered his execution, but relented after pleas by al-Hussain’s sister [[Zaynab]]. Ali and the other survivors were taken to [[Yazid]] in Damascus, and he sent them back to Medina.<ref>cf.L. Pouzet, Damas au VIIe /XIIIe siècle ,Beirut 1988, 352</ref>
==Birth==
According to many sources he was born (in Medina) in 38/658-9, though the years 33, 36 and 37 are also given. If accounts that he had not reached puberty at the time of the battle of [[Karbala]] (61/680) are to be trusted, this would put his birthdate forward to the 40s/660s; these accounts are, however, rejected by al-Waqidi and other authorities.

His mother’s name is variously given as Barra, Qazala, Solafa, Jayda, etc.; some say that she was an umm walad [q.v.] from Sind (or Sijistan), while Shiʿi tradition has it that she was a daughter of the last Sasanid emperor Yazdagird III and that her Persian name was Jihanshah, [[Shahrbanu]] or Shahzanan. Some say she threw herself into the Euphrates after the battle, but others maintain that she was among the survivors of Karbala. Shiʿis refer to Ali as ibn al-khiyaratayn “the son of the two elect” since, according to a tradition of the Prophet, the Quraysh are the elect of the Arabs and the Persians are the elect of the non-Arabs.
==In Karbala==
Ali was present at the battle of [[Karbala]] in 61/680 but did not participate in the fighting, since he was ill, and thus survived the battle. Zayn al-Abidin was not the only son of [[Hussain ibn Ali|al-Hussain]] called Ali; For many Twelver authors, the title [[Ali Al-Asqar ibn Husayn|Ali al-Asqar]] refers to an infant brother who was also killed at Karbala; some of these authors maintain that Zayn al-Abidin was the middle brother (hence Ali al-Awsat), while the eldest was Ali al-Akbar;

According to the battle accounts, [[Shimr b. Dhi l-Jawshan|Shimr b. Dhi’l-Jawshan]] wanted to kill him despite his illness but was prevented by others, including [[ʿOmar b. Saʿd|Omar b. Saʿd]]. When he was led as a prisoner before [[Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad|ʿObayd-Allah b. Ziad]] in [[Kufa]], the latter ordered his execution but his aunt, [[Zaynab]] did not let this happen. He was taken with the women to [[Yazid]] in Damascus, and he sent them back to Medina.

==The Aftermath of Karbala==

===In Medina===
In Medina Ali led a pious life which earned him the honorifics Zayn al-Abidin, al-Sajjad (“he who constantly prostrates himself”), al-Zaki (“the pure”) and Dhu ’l-Thafinat (referring to the calluses on his skin in the places touching the ground in prostration). He was counted among the bakkaʾun [q.v.], since for years he would weep for his father and the other martyrs of Karbala. He used to go out at night with his face covered in order to distribute charity (ṣadaqat al-sirr), and it was only after his death that people discovered the identity of their benefactor.

Ali studiously avoided any involvement with the authorities and adopted a quiescent attitude towards the Umayyads and the Zubayrid anti-caliphate. Shiʿi authors maintain that Ali’s dealings with the authorities were based on taqiyya. Ali proved magnanimous even when wronged: Hisham b. Ismaʿil used to insult him during his four years as governor of Medina, yet after Hisham’s dismissal by al-Walid (7 Rabiʿ I 87/26 February 706) Ali forbade his family and friends to speak ill of him. A famous story has it that when the future caliph Hisham b. Abd al-Malik came to Mecca on pilgrimage, he was unable to approach the Kaʿba because of the crowds; for Ali, however, the crowds parted, allowing him unhindered access. On that occasion, al-Farazdaq [q.v.] is said to have improvised a poem in praise of Ali, thereby arousing Hisham’s ire; but the eulogy, which exists in various versions, has been judged to be mostly or entirely unauthentic. <ref>see J. Hell, “Al-Farazdaḳs Loblied auf ʿAli ibn al-Ḥusain,” Festschrift Eduard Sachau, Berlin, 1915, pp. 368-74; J. Weiss in Der Islam VII, 1917, pp. 126ff.</ref>

==Contemporary Uprisings==

===Mukhtar's Uprising===
His relations with Mukhtar, the Shiʿite rebel in Kufa, were cautious. It is unlikely that (as some sources state) the latter originally offered to put his movement under the auspices of Ali b. Hussain, rather than of his uncle Muhammad b. Hanafiya, or that he sent the head of Omar b. Saʿd to him, rather than to his uncle. In Sunnite collections of Hadith Ali b. Hussain appears as a transmitter from Abdallah b. Abbas, his uncle Hasan, his father, Amr b. Othman, and others. The chief transmitter from him was Zohri, who is said to have described him as the most excellent of the Hashimites.

== In Shiʿite hagiography==
Imam Ali b. Hussain appears in particular as the perfect worshiper. Like his grandfather Ali, he prayed 1,000 rakʿas every day and night. During the month of Ramazan, he would utter nothing but prayer, imploring God’s forgiveness and glorifying and magnifying him. His constant prostration in worship earned him his honorifics Sajjad, Zayn-al-Abidin, and Dhu’l-thafenat, the latter referring to the seven calluses which every year formed on, and fell off, his skin in the spots touching the ground in prostration. He was also of matchless generosity in giving alms and presents to the poor. Thus, he permanently provided 100 families in Medina with their sustenance. Every night he went out with a sack of food on his back, knocking at the doors of the indigent, and gave freely to whoever answered while covering his face in order not to be recognized. Thus only after his death did many people find out that their livelihood had come from him. Some Shiʿite sources assert that his death was due to poisoning by the caliph Walid or by Hisham b. Abd-al-Malik.
==Death ==
Zayn al-Abidin is said to have died in 94/712 or 95/713; other dates mentioned are 92, 93, 99 and 100. He was buried in al-Baqi cemetery. Shiʿi authors maintain that he was poisoned on the orders of the reigning caliph al-Walid or his brother Hisham. He is said to have had between eight and fifteen offspring, of whom four were sons from his wife Umm Abd Allah bt. al-Hasan b. Ali, the rest being from his other wives.
==Works==
A number of short texts are ascribed to Zayn al-Abidin, including a certain al-Sahifa fi ’l-zuhd.<ref>Kulini, Kafi , viii, 14-7</ref> He is also credited with a Risalat al-Ḥuquq , preserved (in two versions) in two 4th/10th century works: Ibn Babawayh’s al-Khisal <ref>Najaf 1391/1971, 529-36</ref> and Ibn Shuʿba’s Tuhaf al-ʿuqul.<ref>Beirut 1394/1974, 184-95</ref> Ali’s collection of prayers known as al-Sahifa al-kamila or al-Sahifa [ al-kamila ] al-sajjadiyya gained wide popularity; there are numerous redactions and over twenty commentaries, and it was translated into Persian in the Safavid period. Fifteen “whispered prayers” (munajat) ascribed to Zayn al-Abidin have been added to several modern editions of the Sahifa: an English translation of the entire work is now available.<ref>Imam Zayn al-ʿAbidin ʿAli b. al-Hussain, The Psalms of Islam: al-Sahifat al-kamilat al-sajjadiyya , tr. with an introd. and annotation by [[William C. Chittick|W.C. Chittick]], London 1988</ref>

==Sources==

*[https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-2/zayn-al-abidin-SIM_8144 Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition]
*[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/ali-b-hosayn-b-ali Encyclopædia Iranica]

==References==

[[Category:Individuals]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[Category:Twelver Shi’ism]]
[[Category:The Fourteen Infallibles]]
<references />
[[Category:Imams]]
[[Category:Ahl al-Bayt]]
[[Category:Hussain’s Family]]
[[Category:Caravan of Captives]]
[[Category:Hussain’s Followers]]
[[fa:زین العابدین «ع»]]

Ali b. al-Hussain

2021-06-23T07:37:14Z

Heydari:

{{infobox person
| name = Ali b. Al-Hussain
| native_name = زین العابدین
| image = baqi.jpg
| known_for =
| birth_date = Sha'ban 5, 38/January 6, 659
| birth_place = Medina
| father = Hussain ibn Ali
| mother = Shahrbanu
| relatives = Muhammad (maternal great grandfather), Ali ibn Abi Talib (paternal grandfather), Fatima (maternal grandmother), Hasan ibn Ali (uncle), hussain ibn Ali (father), Umm Kulthum bint Ali (aunt), Ali al-Akbar ibn Al-Hussain (brother), Ali al-Asqar (brother)
| spouse =
| children =
| death_date = Muharram 25, 95/October 20, 713 in Medina
| death_place =
| resting_place = Al-Baqi' cemetery
}}'''Ali b. al-Hussain''' b. Ali b. Abi Talib, Zayn al-Abidin (“Ornament of the Worshippers”), is the fourth [[Imam]] of the [[Twelver Shi’a]]. His kunya (his other names) is variously given as Abu Abd Allah, Abu Bakr, Abu’l-Hussain, Abu’l-Hasan, etc. According to most sources, he was born in 38/658-59 in Medina. At [[Karbala]], Zayn al-Abidin is said to have been too ill to join in the fighting; after the battle [[Shimr b. Dhi l-Jawshan|Shimr b. Dhi ‘l-Jawshan]] found him lying on a mat in the women’s tent and ordered him to be killed but was overruled by [[ʿOmar b. Saʿd|Omar b. Saʿd]], the commander of the Syrian army. When Ali was brought before [[Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad|Obayd Allah b. Ziyad]] in Kufa, the governor ordered his execution, but relented after pleas by al-Hussain’s sister [[Zaynab]]. Ali and the other survivors were taken to [[Yazid]] in Damascus, and he sent them back to Medina.<ref>cf.L. Pouzet, Damas au VIIe /XIIIe siècle ,Beirut 1988, 352</ref>
==Birth==
According to many sources he was born (in Medina) in 38/658-9, though the years 33, 36 and 37 are also given. If accounts that he had not reached puberty at the time of the [[Karbala]] massacre (61/680) are to be trusted, this would put his birthdate forward to the 40s/660s; these accounts are, however, rejected by al-Waqidi and other authorities.

His mother’s name is variously given as Barra, Qazala, Solafa, Jayda, etc.; some say that she was an umm walad [q.v.] from Sind (or Sijistan), while Shiʿi tradition has it that she was a daughter of the last Sasanid emperor Yazdagird III and that her Persian name was Jihanshah, [[Shahrbanu]] or Shahzanan. Some say she threw herself into the Euphrates after the battle, but others maintain that she was among the survivors of Karbala. Shiʿis refer to Ali as ibn al-khiyaratayn “the son of the two elect” since, according to a tradition of the Prophet, the Quraysh are the elect of the Arabs and the Persians are the elect of the non-Arabs.
==In Karbala==
Ali was present at the massacre of his family at [[Karbala]] in 61/680 but did not participate in the fighting, since he was ill, and thus survived the battle. Zayn al-Abidin was not the only son of [[Hussain ibn Ali|al-Hussain]] called Ali; another was killed at Karbala and is known as Ali al-Shahid. Some historians, including Ibn Saʿd, Ibn Qutayba, al-Baladhuri and al- Tabari, refer to him as Ali al-Akbar and to Zayn al-Abidin as Ali al-Asqar. Others (e.g. al-Qazi al-Nuʿman) maintain that Zayn al-Abidin was the older of the two, and accordingly refer to him as Ali al-Akbar and to his martyred brother as Ali al-Asqar. For many Twelver authors, the title [[Ali Al-Asqar ibn Husayn|Ali al-Asqar]] refers to an infant brother who was also killed at Karbala; some of these authors maintain that Zayn al-Abidin was the middle brother (hence Ali al-Awsat), while the eldest was Ali al-Shahid; others reverse the position of the two older brothers.

According to the battle accounts, [[Shimr b. Dhi l-Jawshan|Shimr b. Dhi’l-Jawshan]] wanted to kill him despite his illness but was prevented by others, including [[ʿOmar b. Saʿd|Omar b. Saʿd]]. When he was led as a prisoner before [[Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad|ʿObayd-Allah b. Ziad]] in [[Kufa]], the latter ordered his execution but left him alive at the entreaty of his aunt, [[Zaynab]]. He was taken with the women to [[Yazid]] in Damascus, and he sent them back to Medina.

==The Aftermath of Karbala==

===In Medina===
In Medina Ali led a pious life which earned him the honorifics Zayn al-Abidin, al-Sajjad (“he who constantly prostrates himself”), al-Zaki (“the pure”) and Dhu ’l-Thafinat (referring to the calluses on his skin in the places touching the ground in prostration). Whenever the time of prayer drew near, he would tremble and go pale, and his devotional practices caused fears for his Health. He was counted among the bakkaʾun [q.v.], since for years he would weep for his father and the other martyrs of Karbala. He used to go out at night with his face covered in order to distribute charity (ṣadaqat al-sirr), and it was only after his death that people discovered the identity of their benefactor. When his body was washed, marks were found on his shoulders, the result of his carrying heavy loads of food at night for the poor.

Ali studiously avoided any involvement with the authorities and adopted a quiescent attitude towards the Umayyads and the Zubayrid anti-caliphate. Shiʿi authors maintain that Ali’s dealings with the authorities were based on taqiyya. Ali proved magnanimous even when wronged: Hisham b. Ismaʿil used to insult him during his four years as governor of Medina, yet after Hisham’s dismissal by al-Walid (7 Rabiʿ I 87/26 February 706) Ali forbade his family and friends to speak ill of him. A famous story has it that when the future caliph Hisham b. Abd al-Malik came to Mecca on pilgrimage, he was unable to approach the Kaʿba because of the crowds; for Ali, however, the crowds parted, allowing him unhindered access. On that occasion, al-Farazdaq [q.v.] is said to have improvised a poem in praise of Ali, thereby arousing Hisham’s ire; but the eulogy, which exists in various versions, has been judged to be mostly or entirely unauthentic. <ref>see J. Hell, “Al-Farazdaḳs Loblied auf ʿAli ibn al-Ḥusain,” Festschrift Eduard Sachau, Berlin, 1915, pp. 368-74; J. Weiss in Der Islam VII, 1917, pp. 126ff.</ref>

== Contemporary Uprisings ==

=== Mukhtar's Uprising ===
His relations with Mukhtar, the Shiʿite rebel in Kufa, were cautious. It is unlikely that (as some sources state) the latter originally offered to put his movement under the auspices of Ali b. Hussain, rather than of his uncle Muhammad b. Hanafiya, or that he sent the head of Omar b. Saʿd to him, rather than to his uncle. In Sunnite collections of Hadith Ali b. Hussain appears as a transmitter from Abdallah b. Abbas, his uncle Hasan, his father, Amr b. Othman, and others. The chief transmitter from him was Zohri, who is said to have described him as the most excellent of the Hashimites. He was involved in a dispute with his cousin Hasan b. Hasan about the administration of the sadaqat of Ali b. Abi Talib but soon agreed to leave it to the Hasanid; nevertheless, Imamite sources maintain that he became the administrator of Ali’s sadaqat.

==In Shiʿite hagiography==
Imam Ali b. Hussain appears in particular as the perfect worshipper. Like his grandfather Ali, he prayed 1,000 rakʿas every day and night. During the month of Ramazan, he would utter nothing but prayer, imploring God’s forgiveness and glorifying and magnifying him. His constant prostration in worship earned him his honorifics Sajjad, Zayn-al-Abidin, and Dhu’l-thafenat, the latter referring to the seven calluses which every year formed on, and fell off, his skin in the sports touching the ground in prostration. He was also of matchless generosity in giving alms and presents to the poor. Thus, he permanently provided 100 families in Medina with their sustenance. Every night he went out with a sack of food on his back, knocking at the doors of the indigent, and gave freely to whoever answered while covering his face in order not to be recognized. Thus, he was held to be stingy during his lifetime, and only after his death did many people find out that their livelihood had come from him. Among the miracles he worked were: the speaking of the Black Stone of the Kaʿba in favor of his claim to the [[imamate]] in the presence of his rival Muhammad b. Hanafiya, his conversing with a gazelle in the desert, and his restoring youth to a 113-year-old woman. Shiʿite tradition ascribes to him, besides some devotional poetry and short texts, a collection of prayers for various occasions known as al-Sahifat al-kamela, which enjoyed great popularity, especially in the Safavid period, when it was translated into Persian and received numerous commentaries. Several supplements to the original collection have been gathered by late scholars. A Resalat al-hoquq, on the rights of God upon man, also ascribed to him, is reproduced in two versions in Ebn Babuya’s Ketab al-khesal and Ebn Shoʿba’s Toḥaf al-ʿoqul. Some Shiʿite sources assert that his death was due to poisoning by the caliph Walid or by Hisham b. Abd-al-Malik.
==Death==
Zayn al-Abidin is said to have died in 94/712 or 95/713; other dates mentioned are 92, 93, 99 and 100. He was buried in al-Baqi cemetery. Shiʿi authors maintain that he was poisoned on the orders of the reigning caliph al-Walid or his brother Hisham. He is said to have had between eight and fifteen offspring, of whom four were sons from his wife Umm Abd Allah bt. al-Hasan b. Ali, the rest being from concubines.
==Works==
A number of short texts are ascribed to Zayn al-Abidin, including a certain al-Sahifa fi ’l-zuhd.<ref>Kulini, Kafi , viii, 14-7</ref> He is also credited with a Risalat al-Ḥuquq , preserved (in two versions) in two 4th/10th century works: Ibn Babawayh’s al-Khisal <ref>Najaf 1391/1971, 529-36</ref> and Ibn Shuʿba’s Tuhaf al-ʿuqul.<ref>Beirut 1394/1974, 184-95</ref> Ali’s collection of prayers known as al-Sahifa al-kamila or al-Sahifa [ al-kamila ] al-sajjadiyya gained wide popularity; there are numerous redactions and over twenty commentaries, and it was translated into Persian in the Safavid period. Fifteen “whispered prayers” (munajat) ascribed to Zayn al-Abidin have been added to several modern editions of the Sahifa: an English translation of the entire work is now available.<ref>Imam Zayn al-ʿAbidin ʿAli b. al-Hussain, The Psalms of Islam: al-Sahifat al-kamilat al-sajjadiyya , tr. with an introd. and annotation by [[William C. Chittick|W.C. Chittick]], London 1988</ref>

==Sources==

*[https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-2/zayn-al-abidin-SIM_8144 Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition]
*[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/ali-b-hosayn-b-ali Encyclopædia Iranica]

==References==

[[Category:Individuals]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[Category:Twelver Shi’ism]]
[[Category:The Fourteen Infallibles]]
<references />
[[Category:Imams]]
[[Category:Ahl al-Bayt]]
[[Category:Hussain’s Family]]
[[Category:Caravan of Captives]]
[[Category:Hussain’s Followers]]
[[fa:زین العابدین «ع»]]

Hussain ibn Ali

2021-06-20T08:11:34Z

Heydari:

{{infobox person
| name =Hussain ibn Ali
| native_name = ٱلْحُسَیْن ابْن عَلِی ابْن أَبِی طَالِب‎
| image = Imam Hussain shrine.jpg
| known_for = Being a grandson of the Islamic prophet Muhammad, The [[Battle of Karbala]], The third Imam of Shi'a
| birth_date = 3 Sha'aban AH 4 (10 January 626)
| birth_place =Medinah, Hijaz
| father =Ali
| mother =Fatima
| relatives =Muhammad (maternal grandfather), Hasan ibn Ali (brother), Zaynab bint Ali (sister) Muhsin ibn Ali (brother), Umm Kulthum bint Ali (sister), Abbas ibn Ali (brother)
| spouse =Shahrbanu, Umme Rabab, Umme Laylā
| children = 'Alī Zayn al-'Ābidīn, Sakīnah (Mother: Shahrbanu), 'Alī al-Akbar, Fāṭimah aṣ-Ṣughrá (Mother: Laylā), Sukaynah, 'Alī al-Aṣghar(Mother: Rubāb)
| death_date = 10 Muharram AH 61- aged 55 (10 October 680)
| death_place =Karbala, Umayyad section of Mesopotamia
| resting_place = [[Karbala]] Governorate, [[Iraq]]
}}
'''Hussain ibn Ali''' was [[Muhammad]]'s grandson and son of [[Fatima]], the Prophet's daughter. His father was [[Ali ibn Abi Talib]], Muhammad's cousin and devoted follower, who became the fourth Muslim caliph and the first [[imam]] of the Shi'i branch of [[Islam]]. The Shi'i revere Hussain as their third imam and as a martyr.

After Ali's assassination in 661, Hussain's older brother, [[Hasan]], became caliph and second imam. Soon Hasan was forced to abdicate, however, in favor of [[Mu'awiya]], a powerful clan leader and political rival who established the [[Umayyad]] caliphate. While Hussain reluctantly recognized Mu'awiya's rule, he refused to pledge allegiance to him. Hussain believed that, as direct descendants of Muhammad, Ali's sons were the rightful heirs to the caliphate. When Mu'awiya died in 680, the caliphate was passed to Yazid, Mu'awiya's son and chosen successor. Hussain refused to recognize the legitimacy of Yazid's rule and again withheld his allegiance to the Umayyads. [[Yazid]], however, threatened to kill anyone not loyal to him, prompting Hussain to flee to Mecca seeking sanctuary.

Shi'i Muslims in [[Kufa]], a city in Iraq, asked Hussain to lead them in a revolt against Yazid and to claim his rightful position as caliph. Hussain's cousin, [[Muslim ibn Aqil]], verified that he had strong support in Iraq. Hussain then set out for Kufa with family members and followers. The governor of Iraq, a supporter of [[Yazid]], sent 4,000 men to intercept the caravan. At [[Karbala]], this force trapped Hussain's small band, which numbered less than 100. He refused to surrender, however, and led his men out into battle, where they were massacred. The Iraqi governor displayed the heads of Hussain and his followers in Kufa as a warning to other Umayyad enemies.

Hussain's [[martyrdom]] is considered a defining event in Shi'i Islam. Few personalities in Muslim history have had as enduring an influence on Islamic thought and piety as Hussain. His death provided his followers with a new passion. Shi'i Islam gained in strength, ensuring the continuance of Hussain's legacy. Shi'i Muslims still consider a pilgrimage to his tomb in Karbala second in importance only to the hajj. Modern Muslim political groups draw inspiration from Hussain as a symbol of resistance against tyranny.
==After the Martyrdom of Hasan b. Ali==
The death of Hasan in 50/670, apparently by poisoning, strained the relationship with [[Mu’awiya]] further. Hasan refused to name his suspect, probably Mu’awiya, to his brother since he did not wish to obligate him to retaliate. He asked to be buried with his grandfather [[Muhammad]]. If this demand were to provoke a danger of blood-shed, however, he wished to be buried next to his mother [[Fatima]]. When Marwan b. Hakam opposed Hasan’s burial near Muhammad on the grounds that ‘Othman had not been buried there, Hussain appealed to the helf al-fozul, a solidarity pact of several clans of Qoraysh, to back the right of the Prophet’s family against the Banu Umayya. His brother Muhammad b. Hanafiya and others, however, prevailed upon him to heed Hasan’s wish to avoid bloodshed and to bury him next to his mother. At the same time the Kufan Shiʿites shifted their allegiance to him. Their leaders met with the sons of Jaʿda b. Hobayra b. Abi’l-Wahb Maḵzumi, grandsons of ʿAli’s sister Omm Haneʾ, in the house of Solayman b. Sorad Khozaʿi and wrote Hussain a letter of condolence on the death of his brother in which they assured him of their loyalty. The Banu Jaʿda informed him of the high esteem of the Kufans for him, their longing that he would join them, their loathing of Mu’awiya, and their dissociation from him. Hussain wrote them that he was still bound to keep the peace concluded by Hasan as long as Mu’awiya was alive and asked them to conceal their feelings. If he were still alive at Mu’awiya’s death he would inform them of his views.

His supporters from Iraq, however, kept visiting him in Medina in large numbers, and ʿAmr, the son of the caliph ‘Othman, warned the governor Marwan. The latter informed [[Mu’awiya]], who instructed him to leave Hussain alone as long as he would not display any hostility to him but also to withhold any sign of friendship from him. Marwan wrote Hussain a menacing letter, warning him against sowing renewed discord in the community. Hussain answered him, enumerating Mu’awiya’s offences, such as his recognition of Ziad as his brother in violation of Islamic law and his execution of Hojr b. Adi, and rejected his threats. Mu’awiya complained to his entourage about Hussain, but refrained from further threats and continued to send his regular subsidy and gifts.<ref>Baladhori, II, pp. 458-60</ref> Jointly with the sons of several other prominent Companions of Muhammad, Hussain resisted Mu’awiya’s demands that they pledge allegiance to his son Yazid, whom he had appointed as his successor in breach of both his treaty with Hasan and ʿOmar’s principle of election by the consultation (Shura).
==After the Death of Mu’awiya==
After Mu’awiya’s death on 15 Rajab 60/22 April 680, [[Yazid]] immediately instructed the governor of Medina, Otba b. Abi Sofyan, to compel Hussain, Abd-Allah b. Omar, and Abd-Allah b. Zobayr to pledge their allegiance. Abd Allah b. Zobayr and Hussain left separately for Mecca to seek asylum. The account of Waqedi <ref>apud Tabari, II, pp. 222-23; tr., XIX, pp. 9-10; Ibn Saʿd, p. 56</ref> that the two left together is unreliable. Hussain was accompanied by his household, his sons, brothers, and the sons of Hasan. Muhammad b. Hanafiya did not join him and urged him not to move to Iraq before receiving the oath of allegiance there. Hussain should rather stay in Mecca or hide in the desert and mountains until the sentiments of the people became clear. Hussain traveled the main road to Mecca, refusing to avoid being pursued by taking a side road. Otba b. Abi Sofyan, in spite of Marwan’s prodding, did not wish to use violence against the grandson of the Prophet, and Yazid replaced him for his inaction. In Mecca Hussain stayed in the house of Abbas b. Abd-al-Mottaleb <ref>Ibn Saʿd, p. 56</ref> and remained there for four months.
==Oath of Allegiance to Hussain==
In Kufa the leaders of the Shiʿa, on learning of Muawiya’s death, assembled again in the house of Solayman b. Sorad. They wrote to Hussain praising God for having destroyed the obstinate tyrant Mu’awiya, who had seized the rule of the Muslim community without its consent, appropriated its fayʾ (immovable properties acquired by conquest) and made it pass into the hands of the wealthy and powerful, who had killed their best men and retained the most evil among them. They urged Hussain to join them, since they had no [[imam]]. They informed him that they did not attend the Friday prayer with Mu’awiya’s governor Noʿman b. Bashir Ansari and would drive him out of the town as soon as Hussain agreed to come to them. They sent him in short order seven messages with bags of letters of support by Kufan warriors and tribal leaders. The first two of them arrived in Mecca on 10 Ramadan 60/13 June 680. Hussain wrote the Kufans that he understood from their letters that they had no imam and they wished him to come to unite them by right guidance. He informed them that he was sending his cousin [[Muslim ibn Aqil]] b. Abi Taleb to report to him on the situation. If he found them united as their letters indicated he would speedily join them, for it was the duty of the imam to act in accordance with the Koran, to uphold justice, to proclaim the truth, and to dedicate himself to the cause of God.

Hussain was also visited by a Shiʿite supporter with two of his sons from Basra, where Shiʿite sentiment was otherwise limited. He then sent identical letters to the chiefs of the five divisions into which the Basran tribes were divided for administrative purposes. He wrote them that God had preferred the Prophet Muhammad above all His creatures and that his family were his legatees (awsiaʾ) and heirs of his position. Their people (Qoraysh) had illegitimately claimed the right which belonged exclusively to the Prophet’s family. The family had consented to their action for the sake of the unity of the community. Those who had seized the right of the Prophet’s family had set many things straight and had sought the truth. He, Hussain, prayed to God for mercy on them and on the Prophet’s family. He was now summoning them to the Book of God and the tradition (sunna) of His Prophet. The tradition had indeed been destroyed while innovation had been spread. Hussain promised to guide them on the path of righteousness if they would obey and follow him. The contents of the letter closely reflected the guideline set by [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|Ali]], who had strongly upheld the sole right of the family of the Prophet to leadership of the Muslim community but had also praised the conduct of the first caliphs Abu Bakr and Omar. While most of the recipients of the letter kept it secret, one of them suspected that it was a ploy of the governor [[ʿObayd-Allah Ibn Ziad|Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad]] to test their loyalty and turned it over to him. Obayd-Allah seized and beheaded Hussain’s messenger and addressed a stern warning to the people of Basra.<ref>Tabari, II, pp. 235-36, 240-41</ref>
==Muslim b. ‘Aqil’s Martyrdom==
The mission of Muslim b. Aqil was initially successful. The Kufan Shiʿites visited him freely, and 18,000 men are said to have enlisted with him in support of Hussain. He wrote to Hussain, encouraging him to come swiftly to Kufa. The situation changed radically when Yazid replaced Noʿman b. Bashir by Obayd-Allah b. Ziad, ordering the latter to deal severely with Muslim b. Aqil. Obayd-Allah succeeded in intimidating the tribal chiefs. A revolt collapsed when the rebels failed to capture the governor’s palace. Muslim b. Aqil was found and delivered to Obayd-Allah, who had him beheaded on the top of the palace and his body thrown down to the crowd. [[Haniʾ b. ʿUrwa al-Muradi|Haniʾ b. Urwa]], chief of the tribe of Morad, was also crucified for having sheltered him. Yazid wrote to Obayd-Allah, commending him highly for his decisive action and ordering him to set up watches for Hussain and his supporters and to arrest them but to kill only those who would fight him.
==Hussain’s Departure to Kufa==
Before news of the adverse turn of events arrived in Mecca, Hussain set out for Kufa on 8 or 10 Dhu’l-Hejja 60/10 or 12 September 680, breaking off his hajj for the omra (the lesser pilgrimage). He was accompanied by some fifty members of his family, close kin, and a few supporters. He had been advised by Abd-Allah b. Omar and other prominent men of Qoraysh against his move. According to most accounts, Abd-Allah b. Zobayr, seeing him as a rival in his own bid for popular support, urged him to join his partisans in Kufa <ref>see esp. Ibn Saʿd, p. 56</ref>, but this is contradicted by other reports, according to which he offered to support him if he would rise in Mecca.<ref>Baladhori, II, p. 467</ref> His uncle Abd-Allah b. Abbas in particular warned him not to trust the Kufans, who had betrayed his father and his brother and pleaded with him not to take his women and children along if he insisted on accepting their invitation. Hussain regularly thanked his advisers for their concern but replied that he must leave the outcome to the decision of God. After Hussain’s departure, his cousin Abd-Allah b. Jaʿfar sent him a letter with his sons ʿAwn and Muhammad, in which he implored him once more not to proceed. He further induced the governor of Mecca, Amr b. Saʿid Ashdaq, to write a guarantee of safety and protection for him if he would return to Mecca. The governor sent his brother Yahya b. Saʿid with a group of men and Abd-Allah b. Jaʿfar to persuade Hussain, but he told them that he had seen a vision of the Prophet, who had ordered him to proceed, whatever the outcome. As he continued on his way, there was a minor scuffle between his supporters and the messengers of the governor, who then returned to Mecca. The two sons of Abd-Allah b. Jaʿfar accompanied Hussain and were killed with him.

[[Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad|Obayd-Allah b. Ziad]] sent his police chief Hussain b. Tamim to [[Qadisiyya]] with the order to block the roads from Hejaz to Iraq. Hussain learned of this from some bedouins he met, who stated that they were cut off from Kufa, but he continued on his way. In [[Al-Thaʿlabiyya|Thaʿlabiyya]] he first received news of the abortive Kufan rising and the execution of [[Muslim b. Aqil b. Abi Talib|Muslim b. Aqil]] and [[Haniʾ b. ʿUrwa al-Muradi|Haneʾ b. Orwa]]. The reliability of reports that he considered turning back at this stage and changed his mind only because of the resolve of Muslim’s brothers to seek revenge or death is to be doubted. In [[Zubala]] he was informed that a messenger he had sent to Kufa to announce his imminent arrival had been intercepted and killed by Obayd-Allah b. Ziad by having him thrown from the roof of his palace. In a written statement he broke the news to his supporters, acknowledging that the Kufan Shiʿites had deserted him, and encouraged anyone who so wished, to leave freely without guilt. Most of those who had joined him at various stages on the way from Mecca now left him.
==The Battle of Karbala==
Soon after leaving [[Sharaf]] his supporters sighted a troop of 1,000 Kufan mounted men under the command of [[Hurr b. Yazid Riahi Tamimi]]. He turned off the road towards the left and alighted at [[Dhu Husam]] near [[Karbala]], where he was joined by the Kufan troop. Hussain ordered the call to prayer to be made and addressed the Kufans, reminding them that they had invited him to come because they were without an [[imam]]. He told them that he intended to proceed to Kufa with their support, but if they were now opposed to his coming, he would return to where he had come from. The Kufans did not respond, but performed the midday prayer under his leadership. After the afternoon prayer he addressed them again. He stressed the prior right of the Prophet’s family to govern them and mentioned the letters he had received from them. When Hurr claimed that they knew nothing of these letters, he had the saddle-bags with them brought forward and scattered the letters before them. Hurr averred that they were not of those who had written them and that they were under order to bring him to Obayd-Allah b. Ziad. When Hussain set out to move, Hurr blocked his way. After a heated exchange, Hurr explained that he had not been ordered to fight Hussain but to bring him to Kufa. If Hussain would not follow him, Hurr would not allow him to take the route to either Kufa or Medina. He would write to Obayd-Allah for further instructions, and, also suggested that Hussain should write to Yazid or Obayd-Allah. Hussain did not accept the advice and turned left in the direction of Odayb and [[Qadisiyya]]. Hurr kept following him and warned him against a fight in which he would inevitably perish, but he was unable to prevent four Kufan Shiʿites from joining him. When they reached the district of Ninawa, a village near Karbala, a messenger arrived from Kufa with instructions for Hurr to force Hussain to camp in the open desert in a place without fortification and water. Obayd Allah’s aim evidently was to force Hussain to start fighting. As Hurr prevented him from alighting either in Ninawa or Ghazeriya (a village to the northeast of [[Karbala]]), on 2 [[Muharram]] 61/2 October 680, he set his camp in the desert land of Karbala at a location that was without [[water]].

The following day a Kufan army of 4,000 men arrived under the command of [[ʿOmar b. Saʿd|Omar b. Saʿd]] b. Abi Waqqas. Omar b. Saʿd had been appointed by Obayd Allah governor of Rayy and been sent off to fight the Deylamites, but was recalled to lead the army against Hussain. As the son of one of the most eminent early Companions of Muhammad, he was loath to use force against the Prophet’s grandson and asked to be excused from the mission. Obayd Allah demanded that he return the letter of appointment for the governorship of Rayy if he refused to lead the campaign against Hussain. After some delay, Omar accepted the command, evidently still hoping that he could avoid a battle. He first sent a messenger to Hussain to inquire about the purpose of his coming to Iraq. Hussain answered again that he had responded to the invitation of the people of Kufa but was ready to leave if they now disliked his presence. When Omar b. Saʿd reported back to Obayd-Allah, the governor instructed him to offer Hussain and his supporters the opportunity to swear allegiance to Yazid. If they were to do so, he would judge the matter further. Shortly afterwards, he ordered Omar b. Saʿd to cut off Hussain and his followers from access to the water of the Euphrates. Omar stationed 500 men along the river, but was unable to prevent Hussain’s brother Abbas with fifty men from filling their water-skins in a night sortie.

While the formal standoff continued, Hussain sent a messenger to Omar b. Saʿd, suggesting that they meet privately at night between the camps. They met and are said to have talked for much of the night. No one was present to hear their conversation, but there were rumors that Hussain proposed that they both leave their armies and together go to see Yazid. Omar b. Saʿd, however, refused to do so, afraid of being punished by Obayd-Allah. The majority of the transmitters, rather, maintained that Hussain offered Omar three choices: Either he would return to where he had come from, or he would go to Syria to submit to Yazid personally, or he could be sent to one of the border stations to fight the infidels. Omar is reported to have transmitted these proposals to Obayd-Allah. This offer ascribed to Hussain was, however, emphatically denied by Oqba b. Semʿan, a client of Hussain’s wife Rabab, who survived the battle of Karbala. He testified that Hussain never offered anything but to depart and travel the land until the affairs of the people would clarify.<ref>Tabari, II, p. 314; tr., pp. 108-9</ref> An offer by Hussain to submit to Yazid at this stage must appear unlikely in view of his religious convictions, and the reports are in line with the tendency of the early tradition to accent the primary guilt of Obayd-Allah in Hussain’s death.

Whatever proposals Omar b. Saʿd submitted to Obayd-Allah, they were evidently designed to avoid fighting or the surrender of Hussain to the governor in Kufa. Obayd-Allah is reported to have at first been ready to accept them. Shimr b. Dhi l-Jawshan advised him, however, not to allow Hussain to escape from his territory without having submitted to his authority, since this would be a sign of weakness on his part and an acknowledgment of the power of Hussain’s position; but if Hussain and his followers submitted, the governor could either punish or forgive them. Obayd-Allah now changed his mind and wrote to Omar b. Saʿd that he had not sent him to hold him off from fighting Hussain and to intercede on his behalf. If Hussain and his supporters submitted to his authority, Omar could send them to Kufa in peace. Otherwise, he should fight, kill, and disfigure them, as they deserved that. If Hussain was killed, he should make the horses trample on his chest and back since he was a disobedient rebel, an evil wrongdoer who split the community, since he, Obayd-Allah, had made a vow to do that to Hussain in case he was killed. If Omar refused to comply with these instructions, he should surrender the command to [[Shimr b. Dhi l-Jawshan|Shimr b. Dhi’l-Jawshan]], with whom Obayd-Allah sent the letter. On reading it, Omar b. Saʿd cursed Shimr but agreed to carry out the orders himself.

Omar b. Saʿd now prepared for immediate battle in the evening of 9 Muharram/9 October. Hussain was sitting in front of his tent when his brother ʿAbbas informed him that the enemy was advancing towards them. He asked Abbas to inquire about the cause of the change of their attitude. They told him that an order of the governor had arrived to attack unless Hussain and his followers submitted to his authority. Hussain asked for a delay until next morning so they would have time to decide on the option. The account stresses that he did so only in order to arrange his affairs and give counsel to his family. Omar b. Saʿd was consulted and, on the advice of some of the army leaders, agreed to the postponement. Hussain once more encouraged all his supporters to leave and scatter in the desert under cover of the night, releasing them from their oath of allegiance. They might also take the members of his family along. He suggested that the enemy was looking only for him and would not search for them once they found him. Nearly all his followers, however, decided to stay and fight and to protect him. They spent the night in prayer and preparation for the battle. On the next morning, as Omar b. Saʿd arranged the Kufan army in battle order, Hurr b. Yazid challenged him and went over to Hussain. He vainly addressed the Kufans, rebuking them for their treachery to the grandson of the Prophet, and was killed in the battle.

The battle of Karbala lasted from morning till sunset on 10 Muharram 61/10 October 680. Omar b. Saʿd, evidently hoping to isolate Hussain and force him to surrender, did not order a general attack that would inevitably have resulted in a quick massacre. The reports rather describe numerous incidents of single combat, skirmishes, assaults, and retreat. Hussain ordered heaps of wood and reeds to be burnt in a ditch behind the tents to prevent an attack from the rear. From the front he was protected by his men, and he was not involved in actual fighting until close to the end. As the Kufans also suffered losses because of the self-sacrificing bravery of Hussain’s followers, the fighting gradually became more brutal. In one attack the enemy set the tents on fire, but the flames at first hindered their own advance. Shimr b. Dhi’l-Jawshan is mostly described as the moving spirit, viciously driving on the assault. Hussain was first wounded by an arrow hitting his mouth or throat as he was trying to reach the Euphrates to drink. After receiving further wounds, he eventually was stabbed with a spear by Senan b. Anas Nakhaʿi. As he fell, Senan and Khawali b. Yazid Asbahi joined to cut his head off. In accordance with Obayd Allah b. Ziad’s instructions, ʿOmar ordered his body to be trampled by horses. Later he was buried by the Banu Asad of the nearby village of Ghazeriya in the spot where the sanctuary of Hussain arose. His head was carried to ʿUbayd Allah b. Ziad in Kufa and then to Yazid in Damascus. Later there were claims in regard to several locations to be its burial place.

The dead on the side of Hussain are said to have numbered seventy or seventy-two. At least twenty descendants of Abu Taleb were among them. The first one of these to be killed was Hussain’s own son [[ʿAli Akbar|Ali Akbar]]. As a nephew of the caliph Yazid he was offered a safe-conduct, but he refused it, proudly proclaiming that he valued his descent from the Prophet more highly.<ref>Ibn Saʿd, p. 73; Zobayri, p. 58</ref> Hussain’s son Abd-Allah was still a child and is described as having been killed by an arrow while placed on his father’s knees. He can, however, hardly have been a baby as claimed in some accounts. Six of Hussain’s paternal brothers, sons of Ali, fell. Four of them were sons of Omm Banin bt. Hezam of the Banu Kelab. Her brother’s son, Abd-Allah b. Abi Mohell b. Hezam, obtained a letter of safety for them from Obayd Allah b. Ziad, but they rejected it. Three sons of Hasan and three sons of Abd-Allah b. Jaʿfar were killed, as well as three sons and three grandsons of Aqil b. Abi Taleb. Ibn Saʿd <ref>p. 77</ref> lists among the dead two other Hashemites, a descendent of Abu Lahab, and a descendent of Abu Sofyan b. Hareth b. Abd-al-Mottaleb. Among the survivors of the Prophet’s family, being led off as captives, he mentions two sons of Hasan, a son of Abd-Allah b. Jaʿfar, a son of Aqil, and five women. According to Abu’l-Faraj Esfahani <ref>Maqatel, p. 119</ref>, three sons of Hasan survived, among them Hasan b. Hasan, who was severely wounded. Hussain’s other son named Ali survived because he was sick and unable to fight on the battle day. He was brought as a captive before Obayd Allah b. Ziad and then before Yazid in Damascus. The latter treated him well and sent him with the women to Medina. He thus became recognized as the fourth Imam of the Shiʿites.

The impact of the tragedy of Karbala on the religious conscience of Muslims has ever been deep and goes beyond its consecration of the passion and penitence motives in [[Shiʿism]]. The motivation of the major actors in it have often been debated. It is evident that Hussain cannot be viewed as simply a reckless rebel risking his and his family’s lives for his personal ambition. He refused to break his oath of allegiance to Mu’awiya despite his severe reproval of his conduct. He did not pledge allegiance to Yazid, who had been appointed successor by Mu’awiya in violation of his treaty with [[Hasan]], and most likely never agreed to do so. Yet he also did not actively seek [[martyrdom]]. He offered to leave Iraq as soon as it became clear that he no longer had any support in Kufa. It was Obayd Allah who vainly sought to provoke him to start the fighting. His initial determination to follow the invitation of the Kufan Shiʿites in spite of the numerous warnings he received and his visions of the Prophet reflect a religious conviction of a mission that left him no choice, whatever the outcome. Like his father he was firmly convinced that the family of the Prophet was divinely chosen to lead the community founded by Muhammad, as the latter had been chosen, and had both an inalienable right and an obligation to seek this leadership.

The accounts of the early sources tend to put the responsibility for the death of Hussain mostly on Obayd-Allah b. Ziad and to exonerate the caliph Yazid, who is described as cursing his governor and stating that if he had been present he would have spared Hussain. Obayd-Allah certainly was eager to humiliate and kill Hussain, as is evident from his vow to have his body trampled by horses. His hatred ultimately sprang from the denunciation of Mu’awiya’s recognition of Ziad as his brother by the grandsons of the Prophet in the name of Islam. The prime responsibility for the death of Hussain, however, lay with Yazid, who knew that the grandson of the Prophet would constitute a menace to his reign as long as he was alive, even if temporarily forced to submission. Yazid wanted him dead but, as a caliph of Islam, could not afford to be seen as having ordered his death. He was aware of Obayd-Allah’s hatred of Hussain when he appointed him governor of Kufa and hinted in a letter to him that Hussain would reduce him to slave status again (Baladhori, II, p. 464). He commended Obayd-Allah highly for the execution of Muslim b. Aqil, and the governor could not be in any doubt as to what was expected of him. When the caliph sought in public, however, to place the onus for the slaughter of the Prophet’s grandson on him, Obayd-Allah reacted with resentment and declined Yazid’s wish that he next lead the assault on Abd-Allah b. Zobayr in the Kaʿba.<ref>Tabari, II, p. 408, tr. p. 204</ref>
==The family of Hussain==
Hussain’s first marriage was with Rabab, daughter of Emraʾ-al-Qays b. Adi, a chief of the Banu Kalb. Her father came to Medina early during the caliphate of Omar and was appointed by him amir (governor) over all tribesmen of Qozaʿa who would convert to Islam. Hussain later married Rabab, and in the later years of Ali’s caliphate, Emraʾ-al-Qays and his kin were referred to as his in-laws.<ref>ashar; Thaqafi, p. 426</ref> . Probably after Ali’s death, she bore him a daughter Amena (Amina, Omayma), commonly known as [[Sokayna]]. Later Rabab bore him his son Abd-Allah, who was still a child when he was killed at Karbala. He presumably had saved his own patronymic (konya), Abu Abd-Allah, for a son by her. In some late Shiʿite sources Abd-Allah is called [[ʿAli Asqar|Ali Asqar]] (q.v.), but this is without historical foundation. After Hussain’s death, Rabab is said to have spent a year in grief at his grave and to have refused to remarry. No details are known about Hussain’s marriage to Solafa, a woman of the tribe Bali of Qozaʿa. She bore him a son named Jaʿfar, who died during Hussain’s lifetime.

Imam Hussain had two other sons called Ali whose mothers were not the same. The older one whose mother was Layla, daughter of Morra b. Orwa Ṯaqafi and Maymuna bt. Abi Sofyan, sister of the caliph Muawiya was called Ali al-Akbar who was martyred in the battle of Karbala and the other was called Ali b. al-Hussain, Zayn al-Abedin who survived him and became the fourth Imam of the Shiʿites.

After the death of Hasan, Hussain married Omm Eshaq, daughter of the prominent Companion Talha. She bore Hussain’s daughter Fatima. Contrary to some reports, Fatima must have been younger than Sokayna. At the time of her father’s death, she was probably engaged, but not yet married, to Hasan b. Hasan, the primary heir of Hasan b. Ali.
==References==
{{reflist|30em}}
==Bibliography==

*Abu’l-Faraj Eṣfahāni, Maqātel al-Ṭālebiyin, ed. Aḥmad Ṣaqr, Cairo, 1949, pp. 78-122.
*Idem, al-Aḡāni, ed. Naṣr Hurini, 20 vols., Bulāq, 1869, XLV, pp. 163-65.
*Abu Ḥanifa Dinavari, Aḵbār al-ṭewāl, ed. Abd-al-Moʾmen Āmer and Jamāl-al-Din Šayyāl, Cairo, 1960, pp. 220-21, 224 ff.
*Moḥsen Amin, Aʿyān al-Šiʿa IV, 2nd ed., Beirut, 1960, pp. 49 ff.
*Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā Balāḏori, Ansāb al-ašrāf II, ed. Maḥmud Fardus ʿAẓm, Damascus, 1996, pp. 449-519; V, ed. Solomon D. Fritz Goitein, Jerusalem, 1936, index, s.v.
*Ibn ʿAsāker, Tarjamat rayḥānat Rasul Allah . . . men Taʾriḵ Demašq, ed. Muhammad-Bāqer Maḥmudi, Beirut, 1978.
*Ibn Saʿd, Tarjamat al-Emām al-Hussain, ed. Abd-al-Aziz Ṭabāṭabāʾi, Qom, 1995.
*Ibn Šahrāšub, Manāqeb Āl Abi Ṭāleb, ed. Muhammad-Kāẓem Kotobi, 3 vols., Najaf, 1956, III, pp. 206-72.
*Henri Lammens, Le califat de Yazîd Ier: extrait des Mélanges de la Faculté orientale de l’Université St. Joseph de Beyrouth, pp. 131-82.
*Muhammad b. Muhammad Mofid, Eršād, ed. Kāẓem Miāmavi, Tehran, 1958, pp. 139-237.
*Tabari, index. Ebrāhim b. Muhammad Ṯaqafi, Ḡārāt, ed. Jal-āl-al-Din Moḥaddeṯ, Tehran, 1975, p. 426.
*Fahmi ʿOways, Šahid Karbalāʾ al-Imām al-Hussain b. ʿAli . . . , Cairo, 1948.
*L. Veccia Vaglieri, “Ḥussain b. Alī b. Abī Ṭālib,” in EI2 III, pp. 607-15.
*Julius Wellhausen, Die religiös-politischen Oppositionsparteien im alten Islam, Berlin, 1901, esp. pp. 61-71; tr. R. C. Ostle and S. M. Walzer as The Religious-Political Factions in Early Islam, Amsterdam, 1975, pp. 105-20.
*Aḥmad b. Yaʿqub Yaʿqubi, Taʾrikò, ed. M. Th. Houtsma as Historiae, 2 vols., Leiden, 1883; repr., Leiden, 1969, II, pp. 266-67, 286 ff.
*Moṣʿab b. Abd-Allah Zobayri, Ketāb nasab Qorayš, ed. E´variste Lévi-Provençal, Cairo, 1953, pp. 57-59.

==Sources==

*[http://www.oxfordislamicstudies.com/article/opr/t243/e141 OXFORD ISLAMIC STUDIES ONLINE]
*[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/hosayn-b-ali ENCYCLOPÆDIA IRANICA]

[[Category:Individuals]]
[[Category:Twelver Shi’ism]]
[[Category:The Fourteen Infallibles]]
[[Category:Ahl-e Kisa]]
[[Category:Battle of Karbala]]
[[Category:Imams]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[Category:Ahl al-Bayt]]
[[fa:حسین بن على (ع)]]

Mohammad al-Baqir

2021-06-16T11:45:30Z

Heydari:

{{infobox person
| name =Mohammad al-Baqir
| native_name = محمد بن علی بن حسین بن علی بن أبی طالب‎
| image = baqi1.jpg
| known_for = 5th Imam of the Shia
| birth_date = Rajab 1, 57/May 10, 677
| birth_place =Medinah, Hijaz
| father =[[Ali b. al-Hussain|Ali ibn al-Hussain]]
| mother =Fatima bt. al-Hasan
| relatives =[[Hussain ibn Ali]] (fatherly grandfather)
| spouse =Umm Farwa, Umm Hakim
| children = [[Jaʿfar al-Sadiq|Ja'far]], Ibrahim, 'Ali, 'Abd Allah, 'Ubayd Allah, Zaynab, Umm Salama
| death_date = Dhu l-Hijja 7, 114/January 28, 733
| resting_place = Al-Baqi' cemetery
}}
Mohammad B. Ali B. Hussain B. Ali B. Abi Taleb, known as '''Mohammad al-Baqir''', is the fifth [[imam]] of the Twelver Shiʿites.

==Lineage==
Mohammad al-Baqir, the fifth imam of the Twelver Shiʿites was the son of [[Ali b. al-Hussain|Ali ibn Hussain]]. His mother was Omm ʿAbd-Allah Fatima, Hasan b. Ali’s daughter, who is described as a saintly woman.

==Name and Epithets==
His honorary name al-Baqir is commonly held to refer to his “splitting open knowledge (Baqir al-ʿelm),” signifying his erudition in the religious sciences. It was said that the Prophet Mohammad named him so when he predicted the birth of his great-great-grandson and charged the long-lived companion [[Jaber Ansari]] (d. 73/692) with conveying his salutations to him.

==Birth and Death==
According to most Shiʿite sources, he was born in Medina in 57/677 and died there in 114/732 at the age of 57. The preference for these dates seems to rest partly on the parallelism of 57. According to another Shiʿite report, he predicted correctly his death at 58 years, just as his ancestors Ali, Hussain, and Ali b. Hussain had all been killed, or died, at 58. According to Waqedi, he died in 117/735 and, according to Khalifa b. Khayyat, in 118/736<ref>''Taʾrikh Khalifa b. al-Khayyat'', ed. A. Ḏ. ʿOmari, Beirut, 1397/1977, p. 349</ref> . These dates seem more likely since the reports about the rising of his brother Zayd in 120-22/738-40 suggest that he had died only recently so that the question of the succession was still open among his Kufan followers. The death date mentioned by Mas’udi<ref>''Morūj'' VI, p. 17</ref> , 125-26/743-44, is definitely too late. Equally unacceptable is the birth date 44/664 implied by Waqedi, since his father is known to have been 23 years old at the [[battle of Karbala]] in 61/680. Other dates given for al-Baqir’s birth are 54/676 and 59/678-79.

==Early Life==
Most of his life he stayed in Medina. As an infant he was present at the battle of Karbala. According to Madaʾeni<ref>''Aḡani'', p. 13</ref> , his father sent him and his brother ʿAbd-Allah together with the wife and family of Marwan b. Hakam to Taʾef just before the siege of Medina under Yazid in 63/683. This was done for the safety of his sons, who were still minor children, and of Marwan’s wife as is evident from the parallel report of [[Abu Mekhnaf]]<ref>Ṭabarī, II, pp. 410, 420</ref> in which, however, only ʿAbd-Allah is mentioned not his brother, al-Baqir.

==In Sunni Sources==
Sunni and Shiʿite sources agree in describing him as an eminent religious scholar. Tabari quotes al-Baqir in his history frequently about details of the life of Mohammad and Ali and cites a detailed report of his about the events leading up to the death of Hussain at Karbala. He is invariably considered a trustworthy transmitter by the Sunni [[hadith]] experts. Nasaʾi mentions him as one of the early legal scholars (foqahaʾ) of Medina. Abu Dawud included a hadith transmitted by him in his Sonan. Numerous edifying sayings of his were narrated in Sufi circles.

==Legacy==
In Shiʿite tradition, al-Baqir appears as the inaugurator of the religious and legal teaching that was further elaborated by his son [[Jaʿfar al-Sadiq]] and formed the basis of [[Ithna ‘Ashariyah|Imami Shiʿism]]. Here he stood within the tradition of the radical wing of the Shiʿites, repudiating the caliphate of Abu Bakr, ʿOmar, and ʿOthman and endowing the Shia imams with supernatural qualities and knowledge. He shunned, however, revolutionary activity and espoused the principle of taqiya, precautionary dissimulation. He is quoted as stating: “Taqiya is part of my religion and the religion of my fathers. Whoever has no taqiya has no faith.” Al-Baqir’s views on legal and ritual questions are frequently quoted in Imami and Zaydi works. It is clear that some of the basic characteristics and specific rules of Twelver Shiʿite law, like the permission for the temporary marriage (motʿa) and the prohibition of the ritual wiping of the shoes (mash ʿala’l-ḵoffayn), go back to him. A commentary on the Koran attributed to al-Baqir was transmitted by his disciple Abu’l-Jarud Ziad b. Monder and is quoted frequently in the Tafsir of Ali b. Ebrahim Qomi. It reflects a strictly predestinarian theology<ref>see W. Madelung, “The Shiite and Khārijite Contribution to pre-Asḥʿarite ''Kalām'',” in P. Morewedge, ed., ''Islamic Philosophical Theology'', Albany, 1979, pp. 136-37 n. 51</ref> . Al-Baqir appears often as the author of apocalyptic prophecies, transmitted from him mostly by the Shiʿite traditionist Jaber Joʿfi. In spite of their Shiʿite character, such prophecies were taken over and transmitted by Sunni traditionists. Although some elements of this material may go back to al-Baqir, most of it consists of later elaborations posterior even to Jaber<ref>see Madelung, “The Sufyānī between Tradition and History,” ''Stud. Isl.'' 63, 1986, esp. pp. 10-11, 34-35</ref> . The Shiʿite biographical sources narrate numerous stories of a legendary character about al-Baqir’s debates with religious leaders and scholars like Tawus, Qatada b. Deʿama, Mohammad b. Monkader, Abu Hanifa, ʿAmr b. ʿObayd, Nafeʿ b. Azraq and his son ʿAbd-Allah b. Nafeʿ, whom he stunned by his religious learning. They ascribe many miracles to him, like his conversing with ring-turtledoves and a wolf, his answering questions of jinnis on religious law and his being served by a jinni, his being visited by Khezr and the prophet Elias, his restoring youth to the aged Habbaba Walebiya and giving temporary eyesight to the blind Abu’l-Basir, and his causing an earthquake by lightly moving a thread brought by the angel Gabriel from heaven. According to some anachronistic stories he died poisoned, either involuntarily by the caliph ʿAbd-al-Malek (d. 86/705) with a poisoned saddle during a quarrel between al-Baqir and Zayd b. Hasan about the inheritance of the Prophet or by the caliph Ebrahim b. Walid (ruling in 127/745).

==Bibliography==

*Ebn Saʿd, V. pp. 235-38.
*Balāḏorī, Ansāb al-ašrāf III, ed. ʿAbd-al-ʿAzīz Dūrī, Beirut, 1398/1978, p. 116.
*Yaʿqubī, Taʾrīḵ, pp. 365-66, 384-85.
*Anonymous, Aḵbār al-dawla al-ʿabbāsīya, ed. ʿAbd-al-ʿAzīz Dūrī and A. Moṭallebī, Beirut, 1971, p. 132, 169, 184-85, 204-05.
*Nawbaḵtī, Feraq al-šī‌ʿa, ed. H. Ritter, Istanbul, 1931, pp. 52-55 and index.
*Ṭabarī, index s.v. Mohammad b. Ali b. al-Hussain. Abu Jaʿfar Mohammad Kolaynī, al-Oṣūl men al-kāfī, ed. Ali-Akbar Ḡaffārī, Tehran, 1388/1968-69, I, pp. 303-04, 469-72.
*Aḡānī 1 I, p. 13; VIII, p. 43; XV, pp. 123, 126; XVI, p. 88; XX, p. 147.
*Abu ʿAbd-Allāh Mohammad Mofīd, al-Eršād, ed. Kāẓem Mūsawī Mīāmavī, Tehran, 1377/1957-58, pp. 245-54, tr. I. K. A. Howard, London, 1981, pp. 393-407.
*Abu Noʿaym Eṣfahānī, Ḥelyat al-awlīāʾ, Cairo, 1932-38, III, pp. 180-92.
*Abu Ali Fażl b. Ḥasan Ṭabresī, Eʿlām al-warā be-aʿlam al-hodā, ed. Ali Akbar Ḡaffārī, Beirut, 1399/1979, pp. 259-65.
*Abu’l-Faraj b. al-Jawzī, Ṣefat al-ṣafwa, Hyderabad, 1389/1969, II, pp. 60-63.
*Ebn Ḵallekān (Beirut), IV, p. 174.
*Erbelī, Kašf al-ḡomma fī maʿrefat al-aʾemma, Qom, 1381/1961, II, pp. 329-66.
*Abu ʿAbd-Allāh Mohammad Ḏahabī, Sīār aʿlām al-nobalāʾ IV, ed. Maʾmūn Sāḡerjī, Beirut, 1401/1981, pp. 401-09.
*Ṣalāḥ-al-Dīn Ḵalīl Ṣafadī, al-Wāfī be’l-wafayāt IV, ed. S. Dedering, Wiesbaden, 1394/1974, pp. 102-03.
*Ebn Ḥajar ʿAsqalānī, Tahḏīb al-tahḏīb, Hyderabad, 1325-27/1907-09, IX, pp. 350-52.
*Mohammad-Baqir Majlesī, Beḥār al-anwār, Tehran, 1376-1405/1956-85, XCVI, pp. 212-367.
*Aʿyān al-šīʿa IV/2, pp. 3-28.
*D. M. Donaldson, The Shiite Religion, London, 1933, pp. 112-19.
*M. G. S. Hodgson, “How Did the Early Shiʿa Become Sectarian?” JAOS 75, 1955, pp. 10-13.
*S. H. M. Jafri, Origins and Development of Shīʿa Islam, London, 1979, index s.v. Muḥammad al-Bāqir.

==Source==

*[https://iranicaonline.org/articles/baqer-abu-jafar-mohammad Iranica Online]

==References==
[[Category:Individuals]]
[[Category:Twelver Shi’ism]]
[[Category:The Fourteen Infallibles]]
[[Category:Imams]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[Category:Ahl al-Bayt]]
<references />

Hussain ibn Ali

2021-06-15T11:33:46Z

Heydari:

{{infobox person
| name =Hussain ibn Ali
| native_name = ٱلْحُسَیْن ابْن عَلِی ابْن أَبِی طَالِب‎
| image = Imam Hussain shrine.jpg
| known_for = Being a grandson of the Islamic prophet Muhammad, The [[Battle of Karbala]], The third Imam of Shi'a
| birth_date = 3 Sha'aban AH 4 (10 January 626)
| birth_place =Medinah, Hijaz
| father =Ali
| mother =Fatima
| relatives =Muhammad (maternal grandfather), Hasan ibn Ali (brother), Zaynab bint Ali (sister) Muhsin ibn Ali (brother), Umm Kulthum bint Ali (sister), Abbas ibn Ali (brother)
| spouse =Shahrbanu, Umme Rabab, Umme Laylā
| children = 'Alī Zayn al-'Ābidīn, Sakīnah (Mother: Shahrbanu), 'Alī al-Akbar, Fāṭimah aṣ-Ṣughrá (Mother: Laylā), Sukaynah, 'Alī al-Aṣghar(Mother: Rubāb)
| death_date = 10 Muharram AH 61- aged 55 (10 October 680)
| death_place =Karbala, Umayyad section of Mesopotamia
| resting_place = [[Karbala]] Governorate, [[Iraq]]
}}
'''Hussain ibn Ali''' was [[Muhammad]]'s grandson and son of [[Fatima]], the Prophet's daughter. His father was [[Ali ibn Abi Talib]], Muhammad's cousin and devoted follower, who became the fourth Muslim caliph and the first [[imam]] of the Shi'i branch of [[Islam]]. The Shi'i revere Hussain as their third imam and as a martyr.

After Ali's assassination in 661, Hussain's older brother, [[Hasan]], became caliph and second imam. Soon Hasan was forced to abdicate, however, in favor of [[Mu'awiya]], a powerful clan leader and political rival who established the [[Umayyad]] caliphate. While Hussain reluctantly recognized Mu'awiya's rule, he refused to pledge allegiance to him. Hussain believed that, as direct descendants of Muhammad, Ali's sons were the rightful heirs to the caliphate. When Mu'awiya died in 680, the caliphate was passed to Yazid, Mu'awiya's son and chosen successor. Hussain refused to recognize the legitimacy of Yazid's rule and again withheld his allegiance to the Umayyads. [[Yazid]], however, threatened to kill anyone not loyal to him, prompting Hussain to flee to Mecca seeking sanctuary.

Shi'i Muslims in [[Kufa]], a city in Iraq, asked Hussain to lead them in a revolt against Yazid and to claim his rightful position as caliph. Hussain's cousin, [[Muslim ibn Aqil]], verified that he had strong support in Iraq. Hussain then set out for Kufa with family members and followers. The governor of Iraq, a supporter of [[Yazid]], sent 4,000 men to intercept the caravan. At [[Karbala]], this force trapped Hussain's small band, which numbered less than 100. He refused to surrender, however, and led his men out into battle, where they were massacred. The Iraqi governor displayed the heads of Hussain and his followers in Kufa as a warning to other Umayyad enemies.

Hussain's [[martyrdom]] is considered a defining event in Shi'i Islam. Few personalities in Muslim history have had as enduring an influence on Islamic thought and piety as Hussain. His death provided his followers with a new passion. Shi'i Islam gained in strength, ensuring the continuance of Hussain's legacy. Shi'i Muslims still consider a pilgrimage to his tomb in Karbala second in importance only to the hajj. Modern Muslim political groups draw inspiration from Hussain as a symbol of resistance against tyranny.
==After the Martyrdom of Hasan b. Ali==
The death of Hasan in 50/670, apparently by poisoning, strained the relationship with [[Mu’awiya]] further. Hasan refused to name his suspect, probably Mu’awiya, to his brother since he did not wish to obligate him to retaliate. He asked to be buried with his grandfather [[Muhammad]]. If this demand were to provoke a danger of blood-shed, however, he wished to be buried next to his mother [[Fatima]]. When Marwan b. Hakam opposed Hasan’s burial near Muhammad on the grounds that ‘Othman had not been buried there, Hussain appealed to the helf al-fozul, a solidarity pact of several clans of Qoraysh, to back the right of the Prophet’s family against the Banu Umayya. His brother Muhammad b. Hanafiya and others, however, prevailed upon him to heed Hasan’s wish to avoid bloodshed and to bury him next to his mother. At the same time the Kufan Shiʿites shifted their allegiance to him. Their leaders met with the sons of Jaʿda b. Hobayra b. Abi’l-Wahb Maḵzumi, grandsons of ʿAli’s sister Omm Haneʾ, in the house of Solayman b. Sorad Khozaʿi and wrote Hussain a letter of condolence on the death of his brother in which they assured him of their loyalty. The Banu Jaʿda informed him of the high esteem of the Kufans for him, their longing that he would join them, their loathing of Mu’awiya, and their dissociation from him. Hussain wrote them that he was still bound to keep the peace concluded by Hasan as long as Mu’awiya was alive and asked them to conceal their feelings. If he were still alive at Mu’awiya’s death he would inform them of his views.

His supporters from Iraq, however, kept visiting him in Medina in large numbers, and ʿAmr, the son of the caliph ‘Othman, warned the governor Marwan. The latter informed [[Mu’awiya]], who instructed him to leave Hussain alone as long as he would not display any hostility to him but also to withhold any sign of friendship from him. Marwan wrote Hussain a menacing letter, warning him against sowing renewed discord in the community. Hussain answered him, enumerating Mu’awiya’s offences, such as his recognition of Ziad as his brother in violation of Islamic law and his execution of Hojr b. Adi, and rejected his threats. Mu’awiya complained to his entourage about Hussain, but refrained from further threats and continued to send his regular subsidy and gifts.<ref>Baladhori, II, pp. 458-60</ref> Jointly with the sons of several other prominent Companions of Muhammad, Hussain resisted Mu’awiya’s demands that they pledge allegiance to his son Yazid, whom he had appointed as his successor in breach of both his treaty with Hasan and ʿOmar’s principle of election by the consultation (Shura).
==After the Death of Mu’awiya==
After Mu’awiya’s death on 15 Rajab 60/22 April 680, [[Yazid]] immediately instructed the governor of Medina, Otba b. Abi Sofyan, to compel Hussain, Abd-Allah b. Omar, and Abd-Allah b. Zobayr to pledge their allegiance. Abd Allah b. Zobayr and Hussain left separately for Mecca to seek asylum. The account of Waqedi <ref>apud Tabari, II, pp. 222-23; tr., XIX, pp. 9-10; Ibn Saʿd, p. 56</ref> that the two left together is unreliable. Hussain was accompanied by his household, his sons, brothers, and the sons of Hasan. Muhammad b. Hanafiya did not join him and urged him not to move to Iraq before receiving the oath of allegiance there. Hussain should rather stay in Mecca or hide in the desert and mountains until the sentiments of the people became clear. Hussain traveled the main road to Mecca, refusing to avoid being pursued by taking a side road. Otba b. Abi Sofyan, in spite of Marwan’s prodding, did not wish to use violence against the grandson of the Prophet, and Yazid replaced him for his inaction. In Mecca Hussain stayed in the house of Abbas b. Abd-al-Mottaleb <ref>Ibn Saʿd, p. 56</ref> and remained there for four months.
==Oath of Allegiance to Hussain==
In Kufa the leaders of the Shiʿa, on learning of Muawiya’s death, assembled again in the house of Solayman b. Sorad. They wrote to Hussain praising God for having destroyed the obstinate tyrant Mu’awiya, who had seized the rule of the Muslim community without its consent, appropriated its fayʾ (immovable properties acquired by conquest) and made it pass into the hands of the wealthy and powerful, who had killed their best men and retained the most evil among them. They urged Hussain to join them, since they had no [[imam]]. They informed him that they did not attend the Friday prayer with Mu’awiya’s governor Noʿman b. Bashir Ansari and would drive him out of the town as soon as Hussain agreed to come to them. They sent him in short order seven messages with bags of letters of support by Kufan warriors and tribal leaders. The first two of them arrived in Mecca on 10 Ramadan 60/13 June 680. Hussain wrote the Kufans that he understood from their letters that they had no imam and they wished him to come to unite them by right guidance. He informed them that he was sending his cousin [[Muslim ibn Aqil]] b. Abi Taleb to report to him on the situation. If he found them united as their letters indicated he would speedily join them, for it was the duty of the imam to act in accordance with the Koran, to uphold justice, to proclaim the truth, and to dedicate himself to the cause of God.

Hussain was also visited by a Shiʿite supporter with two of his sons from Basra, where Shiʿite sentiment was otherwise limited. He then sent identical letters to the chiefs of the five divisions into which the Basran tribes were divided for administrative purposes. He wrote them that God had preferred the Prophet Muhammad above all His creatures and that his family were his legatees (awsiaʾ) and heirs of his position. Their people (Qoraysh) had illegitimately claimed the right which belonged exclusively to the Prophet’s family. The family had consented to their action for the sake of the unity of the community. Those who had seized the right of the Prophet’s family had set many things straight and had sought the truth. He, Hussain, prayed to God for mercy on them and on the Prophet’s family. He was now summoning them to the Book of God and the tradition (sunna) of His Prophet. The tradition had indeed been destroyed while innovation had been spread. Hussain promised to guide them on the path of righteousness if they would obey and follow him. The contents of the letter closely reflected the guideline set by [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|Ali]], who had strongly upheld the sole right of the family of the Prophet to leadership of the Muslim community but had also praised the conduct of the first caliphs Abu Bakr and Omar. While most of the recipients of the letter kept it secret, one of them suspected that it was a ploy of the governor [[ʿObayd-Allah Ibn Ziad|Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad]] to test their loyalty and turned it over to him. Obayd-Allah seized and beheaded Hussain’s messenger and addressed a stern warning to the people of Basra.<ref>Tabari, II, pp. 235-36, 240-41</ref>
==Muslim b. ‘Aqil’s Martyrdom==
The mission of Muslim b. Aqil was initially successful. The Kufan Shiʿites visited him freely, and 18,000 men are said to have enlisted with him in support of Hussain. He wrote to Hussain, encouraging him to come swiftly to Kufa. The situation changed radically when Yazid replaced Noʿman b. Bashir by Obayd-Allah b. Ziad, ordering the latter to deal severely with Muslim b. Aqil. Obayd-Allah succeeded in intimidating the tribal chiefs. A revolt collapsed when the rebels failed to capture the governor’s palace. Muslim b. Aqil was found and delivered to Obayd-Allah, who had him beheaded on the top of the palace and his body thrown down to the crowd. [[Haniʾ b. ʿUrwa al-Muradi|Haniʾ b. Urwa]], chief of the tribe of Morad, was also crucified for having sheltered him. Yazid wrote to Obayd-Allah, commending him highly for his decisive action and ordering him to set up watches for Hussain and his supporters and to arrest them but to kill only those who would fight him.
==Hussain’s Departure to Kufa==
Before news of the adverse turn of events arrived in Mecca, Hussain set out for Kufa on 8 or 10 Dhu’l-Hejja 60/10 or 12 September 680, breaking off his hajj for the omra (the lesser pilgrimage). He was accompanied by some fifty members of his family, close kin, and a few supporters. He had been advised by Abd-Allah b. Omar and other prominent men of Qoraysh against his move. According to most accounts, Abd-Allah b. Zobayr, seeing him as a rival in his own bid for popular support, urged him to join his partisans in Kufa <ref>see esp. Ibn Saʿd, p. 56</ref>, but this is contradicted by other reports, according to which he offered to support him if he would rise in Mecca.<ref>Baladhori, II, p. 467</ref> His uncle Abd-Allah b. Abbas in particular warned him not to trust the Kufans, who had betrayed his father and his brother and pleaded with him not to take his women and children along if he insisted on accepting their invitation. Hussain regularly thanked his advisers for their concern but replied that he must leave the outcome to the decision of God. After Hussain’s departure, his cousin Abd-Allah b. Jaʿfar sent him a letter with his sons ʿAwn and Muhammad, in which he implored him once more not to proceed. He further induced the governor of Mecca, Amr b. Saʿid Ashdaq, to write a guarantee of safety and protection for him if he would return to Mecca. The governor sent his brother Yahya b. Saʿid with a group of men and Abd-Allah b. Jaʿfar to persuade Hussain, but he told them that he had seen a vision of the Prophet, who had ordered him to proceed, whatever the outcome. As he continued on his way, there was a minor scuffle between his supporters and the messengers of the governor, who then returned to Mecca. The two sons of Abd-Allah b. Jaʿfar accompanied Hussain and were killed with him.

[[Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad|Obayd-Allah b. Ziad]] sent his police chief Hussain b. Tamim to [[Qadisiyya]] with the order to block the roads from Hejaz to Iraq. Hussain learned of this from some bedouins he met, who stated that they were cut off from Kufa, but he continued on his way. In [[Al-Thaʿlabiyya|Thaʿlabiyya]] he first received news of the abortive Kufan rising and the execution of [[Muslim b. Aqil b. Abi Talib|Muslim b. Aqil]] and [[Haniʾ b. ʿUrwa al-Muradi|Haneʾ b. Orwa]]. The reliability of reports that he considered turning back at this stage and changed his mind only because of the resolve of Muslim’s brothers to seek revenge or death is to be doubted. In [[Zubala]] he was informed that a messenger he had sent to Kufa to announce his imminent arrival had been intercepted and killed by Obayd-Allah b. Ziad by having him thrown from the roof of his palace. In a written statement he broke the news to his supporters, acknowledging that the Kufan Shiʿites had deserted him, and encouraged anyone who so wished, to leave freely without guilt. Most of those who had joined him at various stages on the way from Mecca now left him.
==The Battle of Karbala==
Soon after leaving [[Sharaf]] his supporters sighted a troop of 1,000 Kufan mounted men under the command of [[Hurr b. Yazid Riahi Tamimi]]. He turned off the road towards the left and alighted at [[Dhu Husam]] near [[Karbala]], where he was joined by the Kufan troop. Hussain ordered the call to prayer to be made and addressed the Kufans, reminding them that they had invited him to come because they were without an [[imam]]. He told them that he intended to proceed to Kufa with their support, but if they were now opposed to his coming, he would return to where he had come from. The Kufans did not respond, but performed the midday prayer under his leadership. After the afternoon prayer he addressed them again. He stressed the prior right of the Prophet’s family to govern them and mentioned the letters he had received from them. When Hurr claimed that they knew nothing of these letters, he had the saddle-bags with them brought forward and scattered the letters before them. Hurr averred that they were not of those who had written them and that they were under order to bring him to Obayd-Allah b. Ziad. When Hussain set out to move, Hurr blocked his way. After a heated exchange, Hurr explained that he had not been ordered to fight Hussain but to bring him to Kufa. If Hussain would not follow him, Hurr would not allow him to take the route to either Kufa or Medina. He would write to Obayd-Allah for further instructions, and, also suggested that Hussain should write to Yazid or Obayd-Allah. Hussain did not accept the advice and turned left in the direction of Odayb and [[Qadisiyya]]. Hurr kept following him and warned him against a fight in which he would inevitably perish, but he was unable to prevent four Kufan Shiʿites from joining him. When they reached the district of Ninawa, a village near Karbala, a messenger arrived from Kufa with instructions for Hurr to force Hussain to camp in the open desert in a place without fortification and water. Obayd Allah’s aim evidently was to force Hussain to start fighting. As Hurr prevented him from alighting either in Ninawa or Ghazeriya (a village to the northeast of [[Karbala]]), on 2 [[Muharram]] 61/2 October 680, he set his camp in the desert land of Karbala at a location that was without [[water]].

The following day a Kufan army of 4,000 men arrived under the command of [[ʿOmar b. Saʿd|Omar b. Saʿd]] b. Abi Waqqas. Omar b. Saʿd had been appointed by Obayd Allah governor of Rayy and been sent off to fight the Deylamites, but was recalled to lead the army against Hussain. As the son of one of the most eminent early Companions of Muhammad, he was loath to use force against the Prophet’s grandson and asked to be excused from the mission. Obayd Allah demanded that he return the letter of appointment for the governorship of Rayy if he refused to lead the campaign against Hussain. After some delay, Omar accepted the command, evidently still hoping that he could avoid a battle. He first sent a messenger to Hussain to inquire about the purpose of his coming to Iraq. Hussain answered again that he had responded to the invitation of the people of Kufa but was ready to leave if they now disliked his presence. When Omar b. Saʿd reported back to Obayd-Allah, the governor instructed him to offer Hussain and his supporters the opportunity to swear allegiance to Yazid. If they were to do so, he would judge the matter further. Shortly afterwards, he ordered Omar b. Saʿd to cut off Hussain and his followers from access to the water of the Euphrates. Omar stationed 500 men along the river, but was unable to prevent Hussain’s brother Abbas with fifty men from filling their water-skins in a night sortie.

While the formal standoff continued, Hussain sent a messenger to Omar b. Saʿd, suggesting that they meet privately at night between the camps. They met and are said to have talked for much of the night. No one was present to hear their conversation, but there were rumors that Hussain proposed that they both leave their armies and together go to see Yazid. Omar b. Saʿd, however, refused to do so, afraid of being punished by Obayd-Allah. The majority of the transmitters, rather, maintained that Hussain offered Omar three choices: Either he would return to where he had come from, or he would go to Syria to submit to Yazid personally, or he could be sent to one of the border stations to fight the infidels. Omar is reported to have transmitted these proposals to Obayd-Allah. This offer ascribed to Hussain was, however, emphatically denied by Oqba b. Semʿan, a client of Hussain’s wife Rabab, who survived the battle of Karbala. He testified that Hussain never offered anything but to depart and travel the land until the affairs of the people would clarify.<ref>Tabari, II, p. 314; tr., pp. 108-9</ref> An offer by Hussain to submit to Yazid at this stage must appear unlikely in view of his religious convictions, and the reports are in line with the tendency of the early tradition to accent the primary guilt of Obayd-Allah in Hussain’s death.

Whatever proposals Omar b. Saʿd submitted to Obayd-Allah, they were evidently designed to avoid fighting or the surrender of Hussain to the governor in Kufa. Obayd-Allah is reported to have at first been ready to accept them. Shimr b. Dhi l-Jawshan advised him, however, not to allow Hussain to escape from his territory without having submitted to his authority, since this would be a sign of weakness on his part and an acknowledgment of the power of Hussain’s position; but if Hussain and his followers submitted, the governor could either punish or forgive them. Obayd-Allah now changed his mind and wrote to Omar b. Saʿd that he had not sent him to hold him off from fighting Hussain and to intercede on his behalf. If Hussain and his supporters submitted to his authority, Omar could send them to Kufa in peace. Otherwise, he should fight, kill, and disfigure them, as they deserved that. If Hussain was killed, he should make the horses trample on his chest and back since he was a disobedient rebel, an evil wrongdoer who split the community, since he, Obayd-Allah, had made a vow to do that to Hussain in case he was killed. If Omar refused to comply with these instructions, he should surrender the command to [[Shimr b. Dhi l-Jawshan|Shimr b. Dhi’l-Jawshan]], with whom Obayd-Allah sent the letter. On reading it, Omar b. Saʿd cursed Shimr but agreed to carry out the orders himself.

Omar b. Saʿd now prepared for immediate battle in the evening of 9 Muharram/9 October. Hussain was sitting in front of his tent when his brother ʿAbbas informed him that the enemy was advancing towards them. He asked Abbas to inquire about the cause of the change of their attitude. They told him that an order of the governor had arrived to attack unless Hussain and his followers submitted to his authority. Hussain asked for a delay until next morning so they would have time to decide on the option. The account stresses that he did so only in order to arrange his affairs and give counsel to his family. Omar b. Saʿd was consulted and, on the advice of some of the army leaders, agreed to the postponement. Hussain once more encouraged all his supporters to leave and scatter in the desert under cover of the night, releasing them from their oath of allegiance. They might also take the members of his family along. He suggested that the enemy was looking only for him and would not search for them once they found him. Nearly all his followers, however, decided to stay and fight and to protect him. They spent the night in prayer and preparation for the battle. On the next morning, as Omar b. Saʿd arranged the Kufan army in battle order, Hurr b. Yazid challenged him and went over to Hussain. He vainly addressed the Kufans, rebuking them for their treachery to the grandson of the Prophet, and was killed in the battle.

The battle of Karbala lasted from morning till sunset on 10 Muharram 61/10 October 680. Omar b. Saʿd, evidently hoping to isolate Hussain and force him to surrender, did not order a general attack that would inevitably have resulted in a quick massacre. The reports rather describe numerous incidents of single combat, skirmishes, assaults, and retreat. Hussain ordered heaps of wood and reeds to be burnt in a ditch behind the tents to prevent an attack from the rear. From the front he was protected by his men, and he was not involved in actual fighting until close to the end. As the Kufans also suffered losses because of the self-sacrificing bravery of Hussain’s followers, the fighting gradually became more brutal. In one attack the enemy set the tents on fire, but the flames at first hindered their own advance. Shimr b. Dhi’l-Jawshan is mostly described as the moving spirit, viciously driving on the assault. Hussain was first wounded by an arrow hitting his mouth or throat as he was trying to reach the Euphrates to drink. After receiving further wounds, he eventually was stabbed with a spear by Senan b. Anas Nakhaʿi. As he fell, Senan and Khawali b. Yazid Asbahi joined to cut his head off. In accordance with Obayd Allah b. Ziad’s instructions, ʿOmar ordered his body to be trampled by horses. Later he was buried by the Banu Asad of the nearby village of Ghazeriya in the spot where the sanctuary of Hussain arose. His head was carried to ʿUbayd Allah b. Ziad in Kufa and then to Yazid in Damascus. Later there were claims in regard to several locations to be its burial place.

The dead on the side of Hussain are said to have numbered seventy or seventy-two. At least twenty descendants of Abu Taleb were among them. The first one of these to be killed was Hussain’s own son [[ʿAli Akbar|Ali Akbar]]. As a nephew of the caliph Yazid he was offered a safe-conduct, but he refused it, proudly proclaiming that he valued his descent from the Prophet more highly.<ref>Ibn Saʿd, p. 73; Zobayri, p. 58</ref> Hussain’s son Abd-Allah was still a child and is described as having been killed by an arrow while placed on his father’s knees. He can, however, hardly have been a baby as claimed in some accounts. Six of Hussain’s paternal brothers, sons of Ali, fell. Four of them were sons of Omm Banin bt. Hezam of the Banu Kelab. Her brother’s son, Abd-Allah b. Abi Mohell b. Hezam, obtained a letter of safety for them from Obayd Allah b. Ziad, but they rejected it. Three sons of Hasan and three sons of Abd-Allah b. Jaʿfar were killed, as well as three sons and three grandsons of Aqil b. Abi Taleb. Ibn Saʿd <ref>p. 77</ref> lists among the dead two other Hashemites, a descendent of Abu Lahab, and a descendent of Abu Sofyan b. Hareth b. Abd-al-Mottaleb. Among the survivors of the Prophet’s family, being led off as captives, he mentions two sons of Hasan, a son of Abd-Allah b. Jaʿfar, a son of Aqil, and five women. According to Abu’l-Faraj Esfahani <ref>Maqatel, p. 119</ref>, three sons of Hasan survived, among them Hasan b. Hasan, who was severely wounded. Hussain’s other son named Ali survived because he was sick and unable to fight on the battle day. He was brought as a captive before Obayd Allah b. Ziad and then before Yazid in Damascus. The latter treated him well and sent him with the women to Medina. He thus became recognized as the fourth Imam of the Shiʿites.

The impact of the tragedy of Karbala on the religious conscience of Muslims has ever been deep and goes beyond its consecration of the passion and penitence motives in [[Shiʿism]]. The motivation of the major actors in it have often been debated. It is evident that Hussain cannot be viewed as simply a reckless rebel risking his and his family’s lives for his personal ambition. He refused to break his oath of allegiance to Mu’awiya despite his severe reproval of his conduct. He did not pledge allegiance to Yazid, who had been appointed successor by Mu’awiya in violation of his treaty with [[Hasan]], and most likely never agreed to do so. Yet he also did not actively seek [[martyrdom]]. He offered to leave Iraq as soon as it became clear that he no longer had any support in Kufa. It was Obayd Allah who vainly sought to provoke him to start the fighting. His initial determination to follow the invitation of the Kufan Shiʿites in spite of the numerous warnings he received and his visions of the Prophet reflect a religious conviction of a mission that left him no choice, whatever the outcome. Like his father he was firmly convinced that the family of the Prophet was divinely chosen to lead the community founded by Muhammad, as the latter had been chosen, and had both an inalienable right and an obligation to seek this leadership.

The accounts of the early sources tend to put the responsibility for the death of Hussain mostly on Obayd-Allah b. Ziad and to exonerate the caliph Yazid, who is described as cursing his governor and stating that if he had been present he would have spared Hussain. Obayd-Allah certainly was eager to humiliate and kill Hussain, as is evident from his vow to have his body trampled by horses. His hatred ultimately sprang from the denunciation of Mu’awiya’s recognition of Ziad as his brother by the grandsons of the Prophet in the name of Islam. The prime responsibility for the death of Hussain, however, lay with Yazid, who knew that the grandson of the Prophet would constitute a menace to his reign as long as he was alive, even if temporarily forced to submission. Yazid wanted him dead but, as a caliph of Islam, could not afford to be seen as having ordered his death. He was aware of Obayd-Allah’s hatred of Hussain when he appointed him governor of Kufa and hinted in a letter to him that Hussain would reduce him to slave status again (Baladhori, II, p. 464). He commended Obayd-Allah highly for the execution of Muslim b. Aqil, and the governor could not be in any doubt as to what was expected of him. When the caliph sought in public, however, to place the onus for the slaughter of the Prophet’s grandson on him, Obayd-Allah reacted with resentment and declined Yazid’s wish that he next lead the assault on Abd-Allah b. Zobayr in the Kaʿba.<ref>Tabari, II, p. 408, tr. p. 204</ref>
==The family of Hussain==
Hussain’s first marriage was with Rabab, daughter of Emraʾ-al-Qays b. Adi, a chief of the Banu Kalb. Her father came to Medina early during the caliphate of Omar and was appointed by him amir (governor) over all tribesmen of Qozaʿa who would convert to Islam. Hussain later married Rabab, and in the later years of Ali’s caliphate, Emraʾ-al-Qays and his kin were referred to as his in-laws.<ref>ashar; Thaqafi, p. 426</ref> Rabab remained Hussain’s favorite wife, even though she was childless for many years. Probably after Ali’s death, she bore him a daughter Amena (Amina, Omayma), commonly known as [[Sokayna]]. Later Rabab bore him his son Abd-Allah, who was still a child when he was killed at Karbala. He presumably had saved his own patronymic (konya), Abu Abd-Allah, for a son by her. In some late Shiʿite sources Abd-Allah is called [[ʿAli Asqar|Ali Asqar]] (q.v.), but this is without historical foundation. After Hussain’s death, Rabab is said to have spent a year in grief at his grave and to have refused to remarry. No details are known about Hussain’s marriage to Solafa, a woman of the tribe Bali of Qozaʿa. She bore him a son named Jaʿfar, who died during Hussain’s lifetime.

Of Hussain’s two sons named Ali, the one who survived him, known as [[ʿAli b. al-Hussain|Zayn al-Abedin]], the fourth Imam of the Shiʿites, was the elder and probably his first-born son. He was was born during the caliphate of Ali ant thus he was twenty-three at the time of the battle of Karbala . His mother was a slave woman, probably from Sind. She was later married to a client of Hussain and had a son with him, ʿAbd-Allah b. Zobayd, who was thus a maternal brother of Ali Zayn al-Abedin. The descendants of Abd-Allah b. Zobayd later lived in Yanboʿ.<ref>Ibn Saʿd, p. 17</ref> Whereas Zayn al-Abedin is called Ali al-Asqar in the early Sunnite sources, Muhammad Mofid <ref>pp. 236-37</ref> and other Shiʿite authors are probably correct in calling him ʿAli Akbar. The second Ali, called Ali Akbar in the Sunnite sources but Ali Asqar by Shaikh Mofid, was nineteen when he was killed at Karbala. His mother was Layla, daughter of Morra b. Orwa Ṯaqafi and Maymuna bt. Abi Sofyan, sister of the caliph Muawiya. The marriage must have taken place soon after Hasan’s surrender to Mu’awiya, as it would not have been possible during the lifetime of Ali. Hussain evidently named his son by Layla also Ali since he, because of his aristocratic Arab mother, had precedence over his elder son by a non-Arab slave woman to become his primary heir. Mu’awiya is even quoted as observing that Ali b. Hussain was the one most suited for the caliphate, since he combined the bravery of the Banu Hashem, the munificence of the Banu Umayya, and the pride of Thaqif.<ref>Abu’l-Faraj Esfahani, Maqatel, p. 80</ref>

After the death of Hasan, Hussain married Omm Eshaq, daughter of the prominent Companion Talha. She bore Hussain’s daughter Fatima. Contrary to some reports, Fatima must have been younger than Sokayna. At the time of her father’s death, she was probably engaged, but not yet married, to Hasan b. Hasan, the primary heir of Hasan b. Ali.
==References==
{{reflist|30em}}
==Bibliography==

*Abu’l-Faraj Eṣfahāni, Maqātel al-Ṭālebiyin, ed. Aḥmad Ṣaqr, Cairo, 1949, pp. 78-122.
*Idem, al-Aḡāni, ed. Naṣr Hurini, 20 vols., Bulāq, 1869, XLV, pp. 163-65.
*Abu Ḥanifa Dinavari, Aḵbār al-ṭewāl, ed. Abd-al-Moʾmen Āmer and Jamāl-al-Din Šayyāl, Cairo, 1960, pp. 220-21, 224 ff.
*Moḥsen Amin, Aʿyān al-Šiʿa IV, 2nd ed., Beirut, 1960, pp. 49 ff.
*Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā Balāḏori, Ansāb al-ašrāf II, ed. Maḥmud Fardus ʿAẓm, Damascus, 1996, pp. 449-519; V, ed. Solomon D. Fritz Goitein, Jerusalem, 1936, index, s.v.
*Ibn ʿAsāker, Tarjamat rayḥānat Rasul Allah . . . men Taʾriḵ Demašq, ed. Muhammad-Bāqer Maḥmudi, Beirut, 1978.
*Ibn Saʿd, Tarjamat al-Emām al-Hussain, ed. Abd-al-Aziz Ṭabāṭabāʾi, Qom, 1995.
*Ibn Šahrāšub, Manāqeb Āl Abi Ṭāleb, ed. Muhammad-Kāẓem Kotobi, 3 vols., Najaf, 1956, III, pp. 206-72.
*Henri Lammens, Le califat de Yazîd Ier: extrait des Mélanges de la Faculté orientale de l’Université St. Joseph de Beyrouth, pp. 131-82.
*Muhammad b. Muhammad Mofid, Eršād, ed. Kāẓem Miāmavi, Tehran, 1958, pp. 139-237.
*Tabari, index. Ebrāhim b. Muhammad Ṯaqafi, Ḡārāt, ed. Jal-āl-al-Din Moḥaddeṯ, Tehran, 1975, p. 426.
*Fahmi ʿOways, Šahid Karbalāʾ al-Imām al-Hussain b. ʿAli . . . , Cairo, 1948.
*L. Veccia Vaglieri, “Ḥussain b. Alī b. Abī Ṭālib,” in EI2 III, pp. 607-15.
*Julius Wellhausen, Die religiös-politischen Oppositionsparteien im alten Islam, Berlin, 1901, esp. pp. 61-71; tr. R. C. Ostle and S. M. Walzer as The Religious-Political Factions in Early Islam, Amsterdam, 1975, pp. 105-20.
*Aḥmad b. Yaʿqub Yaʿqubi, Taʾrikò, ed. M. Th. Houtsma as Historiae, 2 vols., Leiden, 1883; repr., Leiden, 1969, II, pp. 266-67, 286 ff.
*Moṣʿab b. Abd-Allah Zobayri, Ketāb nasab Qorayš, ed. E´variste Lévi-Provençal, Cairo, 1953, pp. 57-59.

==Sources==

*[http://www.oxfordislamicstudies.com/article/opr/t243/e141 OXFORD ISLAMIC STUDIES ONLINE]
*[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/hosayn-b-ali ENCYCLOPÆDIA IRANICA]

[[Category:Individuals]]
[[Category:Twelver Shi’ism]]
[[Category:The Fourteen Infallibles]]
[[Category:Ahl-e Kisa]]
[[Category:Battle of Karbala]]
[[Category:Imams]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[Category:Ahl al-Bayt]]
[[fa:حسین بن على (ع)]]

Hussain ibn Ali

2021-06-14T11:28:52Z

Heydari:

{{infobox person
| name =Hussain ibn Ali
| native_name = ٱلْحُسَیْن ابْن عَلِی ابْن أَبِی طَالِب‎
| image = Imam Hussain shrine.jpg
| known_for = Being a grandson of the Islamic prophet Muhammad, The [[Battle of Karbala]], The third Imam of Shi'a
| birth_date = 3 Sha'aban AH 4 (10 January 626)
| birth_place =Medinah, Hijaz
| father =Ali
| mother =Fatima
| relatives =Muhammad (maternal grandfather), Hasan ibn Ali (brother), Zaynab bint Ali (sister) Muhsin ibn Ali (brother), Umm Kulthum bint Ali (sister), Abbas ibn Ali (brother)
| spouse =Shahrbanu, Umme Rabab, Umme Laylā
| children = 'Alī Zayn al-'Ābidīn, Sakīnah (Mother: Shahrbanu), 'Alī al-Akbar, Fāṭimah aṣ-Ṣughrá (Mother: Laylā), Sukaynah, 'Alī al-Aṣghar(Mother: Rubāb)
| death_date = 10 Muharram AH 61- aged 55 (10 October 680)
| death_place =Karbala, Umayyad section of Mesopotamia
| resting_place = [[Karbala]] Governorate, [[Iraq]]
}}
'''Hussain ibn Ali''' was [[Muhammad]]'s grandson and son of [[Fatima]], the Prophet's daughter. His father was [[Ali ibn Abi Talib]], Muhammad's cousin and devoted follower, who became the fourth Muslim caliph and the first [[imam]] of the Shi'i branch of [[Islam]]. The Shi'i revere Hussain as their third imam and as a martyr.

After Ali's assassination in 661, Hussain's older brother, [[Hasan]], became caliph and second imam. Soon Hasan was forced to abdicate, however, in favor of [[Mu'awiya]], a powerful clan leader and political rival who established the [[Umayyad]] caliphate. While Hussain reluctantly recognized Mu'awiya's rule, he refused to pledge allegiance to him. Hussain believed that, as direct descendants of Muhammad, Ali's sons were the rightful heirs to the caliphate. When Mu'awiya died in 680, the caliphate was passed to Yazid, Mu'awiya's son and chosen successor. Hussain refused to recognize the legitimacy of Yazid's rule and again withheld his allegiance to the Umayyads. [[Yazid]], however, threatened to kill anyone not loyal to him, prompting Hussain to flee to Mecca seeking sanctuary.

Shi'i Muslims in [[Kufa]], a city in Iraq, asked Hussain to lead them in a revolt against Yazid and to claim his rightful position as caliph. Hussain's cousin, [[Muslim ibn Aqil]], verified that he had strong support in Iraq. Hussain then set out for Kufa with family members and followers. The governor of Iraq, a supporter of [[Yazid]], sent 4,000 men to intercept the caravan. At [[Karbala]], this force trapped Hussain's small band, which numbered less than 100. He refused to surrender, however, and led his men out into battle, where they were massacred. The Iraqi governor displayed the heads of Hussain and his followers in Kufa as a warning to other Umayyad enemies.

Hussain's [[martyrdom]] is considered a defining event in Shi'i Islam. Few personalities in Muslim history have had as enduring an influence on Islamic thought and piety as Hussain. His death provided his followers with a new passion. Shi'i Islam gained in strength, ensuring the continuance of Hussain's legacy. Shi'i Muslims still consider a pilgrimage to his tomb in Karbala second in importance only to the hajj. Modern Muslim political groups draw inspiration from Hussain as a symbol of resistance against tyranny.
==After the Martyrdom of Hasan b. Ali==
The death of Hasan in 50/670, apparently by poisoning, strained the relationship with [[Mu’awiya]] further. Hasan refused to name his suspect, probably Mu’awiya, to his brother since he did not wish to obligate him to retaliate. He asked to be buried with his grandfather [[Muhammad]]. If this demand were to provoke a danger of blood-shed, however, he wished to be buried next to his mother [[Fatima]]. When Marwan b. Hakam opposed Hasan’s burial near Muhammad on the grounds that ‘Othman had not been buried there, Hussain appealed to the helf al-fozul, a solidarity pact of several clans of Qoraysh, to back the right of the Prophet’s family against the Banu Umayya. His brother Muhammad b. Hanafiya and others, however, prevailed upon him to heed Hasan’s wish to avoid bloodshed and to bury him next to his mother. At the same time the Kufan Shiʿites shifted their allegiance to him. Their leaders met with the sons of Jaʿda b. Hobayra b. Abi’l-Wahb Maḵzumi, grandsons of ʿAli’s sister Omm Haneʾ, in the house of Solayman b. Sorad Khozaʿi and wrote Hussain a letter of condolence on the death of his brother in which they assured him of their loyalty. The Banu Jaʿda informed him of the high esteem of the Kufans for him, their longing that he would join them, their loathing of Mu’awiya, and their dissociation from him. Hussain wrote them that he was still bound to keep the peace concluded by Hasan as long as Mu’awiya was alive and asked them to conceal their feelings. If he were still alive at Mu’awiya’s death he would inform them of his views.

His supporters from Iraq, however, kept visiting him in Medina in large numbers, and ʿAmr, the son of the caliph ‘Othman, warned the governor Marwan. The latter informed [[Mu’awiya]], who instructed him to leave Hussain alone as long as he would not display any hostility to him but also to withhold any sign of friendship from him. Marwan wrote Hussain a menacing letter, warning him against sowing renewed discord in the community. Hussain answered him, enumerating Mu’awiya’s offences, such as his recognition of Ziad as his brother in violation of Islamic law and his execution of Hojr b. Adi, and rejected his threats. Mu’awiya complained to his entourage about Hussain, but refrained from further threats and continued to send his regular subsidy and gifts.<ref>Baladhori, II, pp. 458-60</ref> Jointly with the sons of several other prominent Companions of Muhammad, Hussain resisted Mu’awiya’s demands that they pledge allegiance to his son Yazid, whom he had appointed as his successor in breach of both his treaty with Hasan and ʿOmar’s principle of election by the consultation (Shura).
==After the Death of Mu’awiya==
After Mu’awiya’s death on 15 Rajab 60/22 April 680, [[Yazid]] immediately instructed the governor of Medina, Otba b. Abi Sofyan, to compel Hussain, Abd-Allah b. Omar, and Abd-Allah b. Zobayr to pledge their allegiance. Abd Allah b. Zobayr and Hussain left separately for Mecca to seek asylum. The account of Waqedi <ref>apud Tabari, II, pp. 222-23; tr., XIX, pp. 9-10; Ibn Saʿd, p. 56</ref> that the two left together is unreliable. Hussain was accompanied by his household, his sons, brothers, and the sons of Hasan. Muhammad b. Hanafiya did not join him and urged him not to move to Iraq before receiving the oath of allegiance there. Hussain should rather stay in Mecca or hide in the desert and mountains until the sentiments of the people became clear. Hussain traveled the main road to Mecca, refusing to avoid being pursued by taking a side road. Otba b. Abi Sofyan, in spite of Marwan’s prodding, did not wish to use violence against the grandson of the Prophet, and Yazid replaced him for his inaction. In Mecca Hussain stayed in the house of Abbas b. Abd-al-Mottaleb <ref>Ibn Saʿd, p. 56</ref> and remained there for four months.
==Oath of Allegiance to Hussain==
In Kufa the leaders of the Shiʿa, on learning of Muawiya’s death, assembled again in the house of Solayman b. Sorad. They wrote to Hussain praising God for having destroyed the obstinate tyrant Mu’awiya, who had seized the rule of the Muslim community without its consent, appropriated its fayʾ (immovable properties acquired by conquest) and made it pass into the hands of the wealthy and powerful, who had killed their best men and retained the most evil among them. They urged Hussain to join them, since they had no [[imam]]. They informed him that they did not attend the Friday prayer with Mu’awiya’s governor Noʿman b. Bashir Ansari and would drive him out of the town as soon as Hussain agreed to come to them. They sent him in short order seven messages with bags of letters of support by Kufan warriors and tribal leaders. The first two of them arrived in Mecca on 10 Ramadan 60/13 June 680. Hussain wrote the Kufans that he understood from their letters that they had no imam and they wished him to come to unite them by right guidance. He informed them that he was sending his cousin [[Muslim ibn Aqil]] b. Abi Taleb to report to him on the situation. If he found them united as their letters indicated he would speedily join them, for it was the duty of the imam to act in accordance with the Koran, to uphold justice, to proclaim the truth, and to dedicate himself to the cause of God.

Hussain was also visited by a Shiʿite supporter with two of his sons from Basra, where Shiʿite sentiment was otherwise limited. He then sent identical letters to the chiefs of the five divisions into which the Basran tribes were divided for administrative purposes. He wrote them that God had preferred the Prophet Muhammad above all His creatures and that his family were his legatees (awsiaʾ) and heirs of his position. Their people (Qoraysh) had illegitimately claimed the right which belonged exclusively to the Prophet’s family. The family had consented to their action for the sake of the unity of the community. Those who had seized the right of the Prophet’s family had set many things straight and had sought the truth. He, Hussain, prayed to God for mercy on them and on the Prophet’s family. He was now summoning them to the Book of God and the tradition (sunna) of His Prophet. The tradition had indeed been destroyed while innovation had been spread. Hussain promised to guide them on the path of righteousness if they would obey and follow him. The contents of the letter closely reflected the guideline set by [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|Ali]], who had strongly upheld the sole right of the family of the Prophet to leadership of the Muslim community but had also praised the conduct of the first caliphs Abu Bakr and Omar. While most of the recipients of the letter kept it secret, one of them suspected that it was a ploy of the governor [[ʿObayd-Allah Ibn Ziad|Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad]] to test their loyalty and turned it over to him. Obayd-Allah seized and beheaded Hussain’s messenger and addressed a stern warning to the people of Basra.<ref>Tabari, II, pp. 235-36, 240-41</ref>
==Muslim b. ‘Aqil’s Martyrdom==
The mission of Muslim b. Aqil was initially successful. The Kufan Shiʿites visited him freely, and 18,000 men are said to have enlisted with him in support of Hussain. He wrote to Hussain, encouraging him to come swiftly to Kufa. The situation changed radically when Yazid replaced Noʿman b. Bashir by Obayd-Allah b. Ziad, ordering the latter to deal severely with Muslim b. Aqil. Obayd-Allah succeeded in intimidating the tribal chiefs. A revolt collapsed when the rebels failed to capture the governor’s palace. Muslim b. Aqil was found and delivered to Obayd-Allah, who had him beheaded on the top of the palace and his body thrown down to the crowd. [[Haniʾ b. ʿUrwa al-Muradi|Haniʾ b. Urwa]], chief of the tribe of Morad, was also crucified for having sheltered him. Yazid wrote to Obayd-Allah, commending him highly for his decisive action and ordering him to set up watches for Hussain and his supporters and to arrest them but to kill only those who would fight him.
==Hussain’s Departure to Kufa==
Before news of the adverse turn of events arrived in Mecca, Hussain set out for Kufa on 8 or 10 Dhu’l-Hejja 60/10 or 12 September 680, breaking off his hajj for the omra (the lesser pilgrimage). He was accompanied by some fifty members of his family, close kin, and a few supporters. He had been advised by Abd-Allah b. Omar and other prominent men of Qoraysh against his move. According to most accounts, Abd-Allah b. Zobayr, seeing him as a rival in his own bid for popular support, urged him to join his partisans in Kufa <ref>see esp. Ibn Saʿd, p. 56</ref>, but this is contradicted by other reports, according to which he offered to support him if he would rise in Mecca.<ref>Baladhori, II, p. 467</ref> His uncle Abd-Allah b. Abbas in particular warned him not to trust the Kufans, who had betrayed his father and his brother and pleaded with him not to take his women and children along if he insisted on accepting their invitation. Hussain regularly thanked his advisers for their concern but replied that he must leave the outcome to the decision of God. After Hussain’s departure, his cousin Abd-Allah b. Jaʿfar sent him a letter with his sons ʿAwn and Muhammad, in which he implored him once more not to proceed. He further induced the governor of Mecca, Amr b. Saʿid Ashdaq, to write a guarantee of safety and protection for him if he would return to Mecca. The governor sent his brother Yahya b. Saʿid with a group of men and Abd-Allah b. Jaʿfar to persuade Hussain, but he told them that he had seen a vision of the Prophet, who had ordered him to proceed, whatever the outcome. As he continued on his way, there was a minor scuffle between his supporters and the messengers of the governor, who then returned to Mecca. The two sons of Abd-Allah b. Jaʿfar accompanied Hussain and were killed with him.

[[Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad|Obayd-Allah b. Ziad]] sent his police chief Hussain b. Tamim to [[Qadisiyya]] with the order to block the roads from Hejaz to Iraq. Hussain learned of this from some bedouins he met, who stated that they were cut off from Kufa, but he continued on his way. In [[Al-Thaʿlabiyya|Thaʿlabiyya]] he first received news of the abortive Kufan rising and the execution of [[Muslim b. Aqil b. Abi Talib|Muslim b. Aqil]] and [[Haniʾ b. ʿUrwa al-Muradi|Haneʾ b. Orwa]]. The reliability of reports that he considered turning back at this stage and changed his mind only because of the resolve of Muslim’s brothers to seek revenge or death is to be doubted. In [[Zubala]] he was informed that a messenger he had sent to Kufa to announce his imminent arrival had been intercepted and killed by Obayd-Allah b. Ziad by having him thrown from the roof of his palace. In a written statement he broke the news to his supporters, acknowledging that the Kufan Shiʿites had deserted him, and encouraged anyone who so wished, to leave freely without guilt. Most of those who had joined him at various stages on the way from Mecca now left him.
==The Battle of Karbala==
Soon after leaving [[Sharaf]] his supporters sighted a troop of 1,000 Kufan mounted men under the command of [[Hurr b. Yazid Riahi Tamimi]]. He turned off the road towards the left and alighted at [[Dhu Husam]] near [[Karbala]], where he was joined by the Kufan troop. Hussain ordered the call to prayer to be made and addressed the Kufans, reminding them that they had invited him to come because they were without an [[imam]]. He told them that he intended to proceed to Kufa with their support, but if they were now opposed to his coming, he would return to where he had come from. The Kufans did not respond, but performed the midday prayer under his leadership. After the afternoon prayer he addressed them again. He stressed the prior right of the Prophet’s family to govern them and mentioned the letters he had received from them. When Hurr claimed that they knew nothing of these letters, he had the saddle-bags with them brought forward and scattered the letters before them. Hurr averred that they were not of those who had written them and that they were under order to bring him to Obayd-Allah b. Ziad. When Hussain set out to move, Hurr blocked his way. After a heated exchange, Hurr explained that he had not been ordered to fight Hussain but to bring him to Kufa. If Hussain would not follow him, Hurr would not allow him to take the route to either Kufa or Medina. He would write to Obayd-Allah for further instructions, and, also suggested that Hussain should write to Yazid or Obayd-Allah. Hussain did not accept the advice and turned left in the direction of Odayb and [[Qadisiyya]]. Hurr kept following him and warned him against a fight in which he would inevitably perish, but he was unable to prevent four Kufan Shiʿites from joining him. When they reached the district of Ninawa, a village near Karbala, a messenger arrived from Kufa with instructions for Hurr to force Hussain to camp in the open desert in a place without fortification and water. Obayd Allah’s aim evidently was to force Hussain to start fighting. As Hurr prevented him from alighting either in Ninawa or Ghazeriya (a village to the northeast of [[Karbala]]), on 2 [[Muharram]] 61/2 October 680, he set his camp in the desert land of Karbala at a location that was without [[water]].

The following day a Kufan army of 4,000 men arrived under the command of [[ʿOmar b. Saʿd|Omar b. Saʿd]] b. Abi Waqqas. Omar b. Saʿd had been appointed by Obayd Allah governor of Rayy and been sent off to fight the Deylamites, but was recalled to lead the army against Hussain. As the son of one of the most eminent early Companions of Muhammad, he was loath to use force against the Prophet’s grandson and asked to be excused from the mission. Obayd Allah demanded that he return the letter of appointment for the governorship of Rayy if he refused to lead the campaign against Hussain. After some delay, Omar accepted the command, evidently still hoping that he could avoid a battle. He first sent a messenger to Hussain to inquire about the purpose of his coming to Iraq. Hussain answered again that he had responded to the invitation of the people of Kufa but was ready to leave if they now disliked his presence. When Omar b. Saʿd reported back to Obayd-Allah, the governor instructed him to offer Hussain and his supporters the opportunity to swear allegiance to Yazid. If they were to do so, he would judge the matter further. Shortly afterwards, he ordered Omar b. Saʿd to cut off Hussain and his followers from access to the water of the Euphrates. Omar stationed 500 men along the river, but was unable to prevent Hussain’s brother Abbas with fifty men from filling their water-skins in a night sortie.

While the formal standoff continued, Hussain sent a messenger to Omar b. Saʿd, suggesting that they meet privately at night between the camps. They met and are said to have talked for much of the night. No one was present to hear their conversation, but there were rumors that Hussain proposed that they both leave their armies and together go to see Yazid. Omar b. Saʿd, however, refused to do so, afraid of being punished by Obayd-Allah. The majority of the transmitters, rather, maintained that Hussain offered Omar three choices: Either he would return to where he had come from, or he would go to Syria to submit to Yazid personally, or he could be sent to one of the border stations to fight the infidels. Omar is reported to have transmitted these proposals to Obayd-Allah. This offer ascribed to Hussain was, however, emphatically denied by Oqba b. Semʿan, a client of Hussain’s wife Rabab, who survived the battle of Karbala. He testified that Hussain never offered anything but to depart and travel the land until the affairs of the people would clarify.<ref>Tabari, II, p. 314; tr., pp. 108-9</ref> An offer by Hussain to submit to Yazid at this stage must appear unlikely in view of his religious convictions, and the reports are in line with the tendency of the early tradition to accent the primary guilt of Obayd-Allah in Hussain’s death.

Whatever proposals Omar b. Saʿd submitted to Obayd-Allah, they were evidently designed to avoid fighting or the surrender of Hussain to the governor in Kufa. Obayd-Allah is reported to have at first been ready to accept them. Shimr b. Dhi l-Jawshan advised him, however, not to allow Hussain to escape from his territory without having submitted to his authority, since this would be a sign of weakness on his part and an acknowledgment of the power of Hussain’s position; but if Hussain and his followers submitted, the governor could either punish or forgive them. Obayd-Allah now changed his mind and wrote to Omar b. Saʿd that he had not sent him to hold him off from fighting Hussain and to intercede on his behalf. If Hussain and his supporters submitted to his authority, Omar could send them to Kufa in peace. Otherwise, he should fight, kill, and disfigure them, as they deserved that. If Hussain was killed, he should make the horses trample on his chest and back since he was a disobedient rebel, an evil wrongdoer who split the community, since he, Obayd-Allah, had made a vow to do that to Hussain in case he was killed. If Omar refused to comply with these instructions, he should surrender the command to [[Shimr b. Dhi l-Jawshan|Shimr b. Dhi’l-Jawshan]], with whom Obayd-Allah sent the letter. On reading it, Omar b. Saʿd cursed Shimr but agreed to carry out the orders himself.

Omar b. Saʿd now prepared for immediate battle in the evening of 9 Muharram/9 October. Hussain was sitting in front of his tent when his brother ʿAbbas informed him that the enemy was advancing towards them. He asked Abbas to inquire about the cause of the change of their attitude. They told him that an order of the governor had arrived to attack unless Hussain and his followers submitted to his authority. Hussain asked for a delay until next morning so they would have time to decide on the option. The account stresses that he did so only in order to arrange his affairs and give counsel to his family. Omar b. Saʿd was consulted and, on the advice of some of the army leaders, agreed to the postponement. Hussain once more encouraged all his supporters to leave and scatter in the desert under cover of the night, releasing them from their oath of allegiance. They might also take the members of his family along. He suggested that the enemy was looking only for him and would not search for them once they found him. Nearly all his followers, however, decided to stay and fight and to protect him. They spent the night in prayer and preparation for the battle. On the next morning, as Omar b. Saʿd arranged the Kufan army in battle order, Hurr b. Yazid challenged him and went over to Hussain. He vainly addressed the Kufans, rebuking them for their treachery to the grandson of the Prophet, and was killed in the battle.

The battle of Karbala lasted from morning till sunset on 10 Muharram 61/10 October 680. Omar b. Saʿd, evidently hoping to isolate Hussain and force him to surrender, did not order a general attack that would inevitably have resulted in a quick massacre. The reports rather describe numerous incidents of single combat, skirmishes, assaults, and retreat. Hussain ordered heaps of wood and reeds to be burnt in a ditch behind the tents to prevent an attack from the rear. From the front he was protected by his men, and he was not involved in actual fighting until close to the end. As the Kufans also suffered losses because of the self-sacrificing bravery of Hussain’s followers, the fighting gradually became more brutal. In one attack the enemy set the tents on fire, but the flames at first hindered their own advance. Shimr b. Dhi’l-Jawshan is mostly described as the moving spirit, viciously driving on the assault. Hussain was first wounded by an arrow hitting his mouth or throat as he was trying to reach the Euphrates to drink. After receiving further wounds, he eventually was stabbed with a spear by Senan b. Anas Nakhaʿi. As he fell, Senan and Khawali b. Yazid Asbahi joined to cut his head off. In accordance with Obayd Allah b. Ziad’s instructions, ʿOmar ordered his body to be trampled by horses. Later he was buried by the Banu Asad of the nearby village of Ghazeriya in the spot where the sanctuary of Hussain arose. His head was carried to ʿUbayd Allah b. Ziad in Kufa and then to Yazid in Damascus. Later there were claims in regard to several locations to be its burial place.

The dead on the side of Hussain are said to have numbered seventy or seventy-two. At least twenty descendants of Abu Taleb were among them. The first one of these to be killed was Hussain’s own son [[ʿAli Akbar|Ali Akbar]]. As a nephew of the caliph Yazid he was offered a safe-conduct, but he refused it, proudly proclaiming that he valued his descent from the Prophet more highly.<ref>Ibn Saʿd, p. 73; Zobayri, p. 58</ref> Hussain’s son Abd-Allah was still a child and is described as having been killed by an arrow while placed on his father’s knees. He can, however, hardly have been a baby as claimed in some accounts. Six of Hussain’s paternal brothers, sons of Ali, fell. Four of them were sons of Omm Banin bt. Hezam of the Banu Kelab. Her brother’s son, Abd-Allah b. Abi Mohell b. Hezam, obtained a letter of safety for them from Obayd Allah b. Ziad, but they rejected it. Three sons of Hasan and three sons of Abd-Allah b. Jaʿfar were killed, as well as three sons and three grandsons of Aqil b. Abi Taleb. Ibn Saʿd <ref>p. 77</ref> lists among the dead two other Hashemites, a descendent of Abu Lahab, and a descendent of Abu Sofyan b. Hareth b. Abd-al-Mottaleb. Among the survivors of the Prophet’s family, being led off as captives, he mentions two sons of Hasan, a son of Abd-Allah b. Jaʿfar, a son of Aqil, and five women. According to Abu’l-Faraj Esfahani <ref>Maqatel, p. 119</ref>, three sons of Hasan survived, among them Hasan b. Hasan, who was severely wounded. Hussain’s other son named Ali survived because he was sick and unable to fight on the battle day. He was brought as a captive before Obayd Allah b. Ziad and then before Yazid in Damascus. The latter treated him well and sent him with the women to Medina. He thus became recognized as the fourth Imam of the Shiʿites.

The impact of the tragedy of Karbala on the religious conscience of Muslims has ever been deep and goes beyond its consecration of the passion and penitence motives in [[Shiʿism]]. The motivation of the major actors in it have often been debated. It is evident that Hussain cannot be viewed as simply a reckless rebel risking his and his family’s lives for his personal ambition. He refused to break his oath of allegiance to Mu’awiya despite his severe reproval of his conduct. He did not pledge allegiance to Yazid, who had been appointed successor by Mu’awiya in violation of his treaty with [[Hasan]], and most likely never agreed to do so. Yet he also did not actively seek [[martyrdom]]. He offered to leave Iraq as soon as it became clear that he no longer had any support in Kufa. It was Obayd Allah who vainly sought to provoke him to start the fighting. His initial determination to follow the invitation of the Kufan Shiʿites in spite of the numerous warnings he received and his visions of the Prophet reflect a religious conviction of a mission that left him no choice, whatever the outcome. Like his father he was firmly convinced that the family of the Prophet was divinely chosen to lead the community founded by Muhammad, as the latter had been chosen, and had both an inalienable right and an obligation to seek this leadership.

The accounts of the early sources tend to put the responsibility for the death of Hussain mostly on Obayd-Allah b. Ziad and to exonerate the caliph Yazid, who is described as cursing his governor and stating that if he had been present he would have spared Hussain. Obayd-Allah certainly was eager to humiliate and kill Hussain, as is evident from his vow to have his body trampled by horses. His hatred ultimately sprang from the denunciation of Mu’awiya’s recognition of Ziad as his brother by the grandsons of the Prophet in the name of Islam. The prime responsibility for the death of Hussain, however, lay with Yazid, who knew that the grandson of the Prophet would constitute a menace to his reign as long as he was alive, even if temporarily forced to submission. Yazid wanted him dead but, as a caliph of Islam, could not afford to be seen as having ordered his death. He was aware of Obayd-Allah’s hatred of Hussain when he appointed him governor of Kufa and hinted in a letter to him that Hussain would reduce him to slave status again (Baladhori, II, p. 464). He commended Obayd-Allah highly for the execution of Muslim b. Aqil, and the governor could not be in any doubt as to what was expected of him. When the caliph sought in public, however, to place the onus for the slaughter of the Prophet’s grandson on him, Obayd-Allah reacted with resentment and declined Yazid’s wish that he next lead the assault on Abd-Allah b. Zobayr in the Kaʿba.<ref>Tabari, II, p. 408, tr. p. 204</ref>
==The family of Hussain==
Hussain’s first marriage was with Rabab, daughter of Emraʾ-al-Qays b. Adi, a chief of the Banu Kalb. Her father came to Medina early during the caliphate of Omar and was appointed by him amir over all tribesmen of Qozaʿa who would convert to Islam. Ali proposed to him to establish marriage ties, and he agreed to give three of his daughter to Ali, Hasan, and Hussain in marriage. Hasan and Hussain, and no doubt the daughters of Emraʾ-al-Qays, were too young for the wedding to take place immediately, and Hasan may never actually have married the girl chosen for him. Hussain later married Rabab, and in the later years of Ali’s caliphate, Emraʾ-al-Qays and his kin were referred to as his in-laws.<ref>ashar; Thaqafi, p. 426</ref> Rabab remained Hussain’s favorite wife, even though she was childless for many years. Probably after Ali’s death, she bore him a daughter Amena (Amina, Omayma), commonly known as [[Sokayna]]. Later Rabab bore him his son Abd-Allah, who was still a child when he was killed at Karbala. He presumably had saved his own patronymic (konya), Abu Abd-Allah, for a son by her. In some late Shiʿite sources Abd-Allah is called [[ʿAli Asqar|Ali Asqar]] (q.v.), but this is without historical foundation. After Hussain’s death, Rabab is said to have spent a year in grief at his grave and to have refused to remarry. No details are known about Hussain’s marriage to Solafa, a woman of the tribe Bali of Qozaʿa. She bore him a son named Jaʿfar, who died during Hussain’s lifetime.

Of Hussain’s two sons named Ali, the one who survived him, known as [[ʿAli b. al-Hussain|Zayn al-Abedin]], the fourth Imam of the Shiʿites, was the elder and probably his first-born son. He was twenty-three at the time of the battle of Karbala and thus was born during the caliphate of Ali. His mother was a slave woman, probably from Sind. She was later married to a client of Hussain and had a son with him, ʿAbd-Allah b. Zobayd, who was thus a maternal brother of Ali Zayn al-Abedin. The descendants of Abd-Allah b. Zobayd later lived in Yanboʿ.<ref>Ibn Saʿd, p. 17</ref> Whereas Zayn al-Abedin is called Ali al-Asqar in the early Sunnite sources, Muhammad Mofid <ref>pp. 236-37</ref> and other Shiʿite authors are probably correct in calling him ʿAli Akbar. The second Ali, called Ali Akbar in the Sunnite sources but Ali Asqar by Shaikh Mofid, was nineteen when he was killed at Karbala. His mother was Layla, daughter of Morra b. Orwa Ṯaqafi and Maymuna bt. Abi Sofyan, sister of the caliph Muawiya. The marriage must have taken place soon after Hasan’s surrender to Mu’awiya, as it would not have been possible during the lifetime of Ali. Hussain evidently named his son by Layla also Ali since he, because of his aristocratic Arab mother, had precedence over his elder son by a non-Arab slave woman to become his primary heir. Mu’awiya is even quoted as observing that Ali b. Hussain was the one most suited for the caliphate, since he combined the bravery of the Banu Hashem, the munificence of the Banu Umayya, and the pride of Thaqif.<ref>Abu’l-Faraj Esfahani, Maqatel, p. 80</ref>

After the death of Hasan, Hussain married Omm Eshaq, daughter of the prominent Companion Talha. She bore Hussain’s daughter Fatima. Contrary to some reports, Fatima must have been younger than Sokayna. At the time of her father’s death, she was probably engaged, but not yet married, to Hasan b. Hasan, the primary heir of Hasan b. Ali.
==References==
{{reflist|30em}}
==Bibliography==

*Abu’l-Faraj Eṣfahāni, Maqātel al-Ṭālebiyin, ed. Aḥmad Ṣaqr, Cairo, 1949, pp. 78-122.
*Idem, al-Aḡāni, ed. Naṣr Hurini, 20 vols., Bulāq, 1869, XLV, pp. 163-65.
*Abu Ḥanifa Dinavari, Aḵbār al-ṭewāl, ed. Abd-al-Moʾmen Āmer and Jamāl-al-Din Šayyāl, Cairo, 1960, pp. 220-21, 224 ff.
*Moḥsen Amin, Aʿyān al-Šiʿa IV, 2nd ed., Beirut, 1960, pp. 49 ff.
*Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā Balāḏori, Ansāb al-ašrāf II, ed. Maḥmud Fardus ʿAẓm, Damascus, 1996, pp. 449-519; V, ed. Solomon D. Fritz Goitein, Jerusalem, 1936, index, s.v.
*Ibn ʿAsāker, Tarjamat rayḥānat Rasul Allah . . . men Taʾriḵ Demašq, ed. Muhammad-Bāqer Maḥmudi, Beirut, 1978.
*Ibn Saʿd, Tarjamat al-Emām al-Hussain, ed. Abd-al-Aziz Ṭabāṭabāʾi, Qom, 1995.
*Ibn Šahrāšub, Manāqeb Āl Abi Ṭāleb, ed. Muhammad-Kāẓem Kotobi, 3 vols., Najaf, 1956, III, pp. 206-72.
*Henri Lammens, Le califat de Yazîd Ier: extrait des Mélanges de la Faculté orientale de l’Université St. Joseph de Beyrouth, pp. 131-82.
*Muhammad b. Muhammad Mofid, Eršād, ed. Kāẓem Miāmavi, Tehran, 1958, pp. 139-237.
*Tabari, index. Ebrāhim b. Muhammad Ṯaqafi, Ḡārāt, ed. Jal-āl-al-Din Moḥaddeṯ, Tehran, 1975, p. 426.
*Fahmi ʿOways, Šahid Karbalāʾ al-Imām al-Hussain b. ʿAli . . . , Cairo, 1948.
*L. Veccia Vaglieri, “Ḥussain b. Alī b. Abī Ṭālib,” in EI2 III, pp. 607-15.
*Julius Wellhausen, Die religiös-politischen Oppositionsparteien im alten Islam, Berlin, 1901, esp. pp. 61-71; tr. R. C. Ostle and S. M. Walzer as The Religious-Political Factions in Early Islam, Amsterdam, 1975, pp. 105-20.
*Aḥmad b. Yaʿqub Yaʿqubi, Taʾrikò, ed. M. Th. Houtsma as Historiae, 2 vols., Leiden, 1883; repr., Leiden, 1969, II, pp. 266-67, 286 ff.
*Moṣʿab b. Abd-Allah Zobayri, Ketāb nasab Qorayš, ed. E´variste Lévi-Provençal, Cairo, 1953, pp. 57-59.

==Sources==

*[http://www.oxfordislamicstudies.com/article/opr/t243/e141 OXFORD ISLAMIC STUDIES ONLINE]
*[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/hosayn-b-ali ENCYCLOPÆDIA IRANICA]

[[Category:Individuals]]
[[Category:Twelver Shi’ism]]
[[Category:The Fourteen Infallibles]]
[[Category:Ahl-e Kisa]]
[[Category:Battle of Karbala]]
[[Category:Imams]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[Category:Ahl al-Bayt]]
[[fa:حسین بن على (ع)]]

Hussain ibn Ali

2021-06-12T11:58:25Z

Heydari:

{{infobox person
| name =Hussain ibn Ali
| native_name = ٱلْحُسَیْن ابْن عَلِی ابْن أَبِی طَالِب‎
| image = Imam Hussain shrine.jpg
| known_for = Being a grandson of the Islamic prophet Muhammad, The [[Battle of Karbala]], The third Imam of Shi'a
| birth_date = 3 Sha'aban AH 4 (10 January 626)
| birth_place =Medinah, Hijaz
| father =Ali
| mother =Fatima
| relatives =Muhammad (maternal grandfather), Hasan ibn Ali (brother), Zaynab bint Ali (sister) Muhsin ibn Ali (brother), Umm Kulthum bint Ali (sister), Abbas ibn Ali (brother)
| spouse =Shahrbanu, Umme Rabab, Umme Laylā
| children = 'Alī Zayn al-'Ābidīn, Sakīnah (Mother: Shahrbanu), 'Alī al-Akbar, Fāṭimah aṣ-Ṣughrá (Mother: Laylā), Sukaynah, 'Alī al-Aṣghar(Mother: Rubāb)
| death_date = 10 Muharram AH 61- aged 55 (10 October 680)
| death_place =Karbala, Umayyad section of Mesopotamia
| resting_place = [[Karbala]] Governorate, [[Iraq]]
}}
'''Hussain ibn Ali''' was [[Muhammad]]'s grandson and son of [[Fatima]], the Prophet's daughter. His father was [[Ali ibn Abi Talib]], Muhammad's cousin and devoted follower, who became the fourth Muslim caliph and the first [[imam]] of the Shi'i branch of [[Islam]]. The Shi'i revere Hussain as their third imam and as a martyr.

After Ali's assassination in 661, Hussain's older brother, [[Hasan]], became caliph and second imam. Soon Hasan was forced to abdicate, however, in favor of [[Mu'awiya]], a powerful clan leader and political rival who established the [[Umayyad]] caliphate. While Hussain reluctantly recognized Mu'awiya's rule, he refused to pledge allegiance to him. Hussain believed that, as direct descendants of Muhammad, Ali's sons were the rightful heirs to the caliphate. When Mu'awiya died in 680, the caliphate was passed to Yazid, Mu'awiya's son and chosen successor. Hussain refused to recognize the legitimacy of Yazid's rule and again withheld his allegiance to the Umayyads. [[Yazid]], however, threatened to kill anyone not loyal to him, prompting Hussain to flee to Mecca seeking sanctuary.

Shi'i Muslims in [[Kufa]], a city in Iraq, asked Hussain to lead them in a revolt against Yazid and to claim his rightful position as caliph. Hussain's cousin, [[Muslim ibn Aqil]], verified that he had strong support in Iraq. Hussain then set out for Kufa with family members and followers. The governor of Iraq, a supporter of [[Yazid]], sent 4,000 men to intercept the caravan. At [[Karbala]], this force trapped Hussain's small band, which numbered less than 100. He refused to surrender, however, and led his men out into battle, where they were massacred. The Iraqi governor displayed the heads of Hussain and his followers in Kufa as a warning to other Umayyad enemies.

Hussain's [[martyrdom]] is considered a defining event in Shi'i Islam. Few personalities in Muslim history have had as enduring an influence on Islamic thought and piety as Hussain. His death provided his followers with a new passion. Shi'i Islam gained in strength, ensuring the continuance of Hussain's legacy. Shi'i Muslims still consider a pilgrimage to his tomb in Karbala second in importance only to the hajj. Modern Muslim political groups draw inspiration from Hussain as a symbol of resistance against tyranny.
==After the Martyrdom of Hasan b. Ali==
The death of Hasan in 50/670, apparently by poisoning, strained the relationship with [[Mu’awiya]] further. Hasan refused to name his suspect, probably Mu’awiya, to his brother since he did not wish to obligate him to retaliate. He asked to be buried with his grandfather [[Muhammad]]. If this demand were to provoke a danger of blood-shed, however, he wished to be buried next to his mother [[Fatima]]. When Marwan b. Hakam opposed Hasan’s burial near Muhammad on the grounds that ‘Othman had not been buried there, Hussain appealed to the helf al-fozul, a solidarity pact of several clans of Qoraysh, to back the right of the Prophet’s family against the Banu Umayya. His brother Muhammad b. Hanafiya and others, however, prevailed upon him to heed Hasan’s wish to avoid bloodshed and to bury him next to his mother. At the same time the Kufan Shiʿites shifted their allegiance to him. Their leaders met with the sons of Jaʿda b. Hobayra b. Abi’l-Wahb Maḵzumi, grandsons of ʿAli’s sister Omm Haneʾ, in the house of Solayman b. Sorad Khozaʿi and wrote Hussain a letter of condolence on the death of his brother in which they assured him of their loyalty. The Banu Jaʿda informed him of the high esteem of the Kufans for him, their longing that he would join them, their loathing of Mu’awiya, and their dissociation from him. Hussain wrote them that he was still bound to keep the peace concluded by Hasan as long as Mu’awiya was alive and asked them to conceal their feelings. If he were still alive at Mu’awiya’s death he would inform them of his views.

His supporters from Iraq, however, kept visiting him in Medina in large numbers, and ʿAmr, the son of the caliph ‘Othman, warned the governor Marwan. The latter informed [[Mu’awiya]], who instructed him to leave Hussain alone as long as he would not display any hostility to him but also to withhold any sign of friendship from him. Marwan wrote Hussain a menacing letter, warning him against sowing renewed discord in the community. Hussain answered him, enumerating Mu’awiya’s offences, such as his recognition of Ziad as his brother in violation of Islamic law and his execution of Hojr b. Adi, and rejected his threats. Mu’awiya complained to his entourage about Hussain, but refrained from further threats and continued to send his regular subsidy and gifts.<ref>Baladhori, II, pp. 458-60</ref> Jointly with the sons of several other prominent Companions of Muhammad, Hussain resisted Mu’awiya’s demands that they pledge allegiance to his son Yazid, whom he had appointed as his successor in breach of both his treaty with Hasan and ʿOmar’s principle of election by the consultation (Shura).
==After the Death of Mu’awiya==
After Mu’awiya’s death on 15 Rajab 60/22 April 680, [[Yazid]] immediately instructed the governor of Medina, Otba b. Abi Sofyan, to compel Hussain, Abd-Allah b. Omar, and Abd-Allah b. Zobayr to pledge their allegiance. Abd Allah b. Zobayr and Hussain left separately for Mecca to seek asylum. The account of Waqedi <ref>apud Tabari, II, pp. 222-23; tr., XIX, pp. 9-10; Ibn Saʿd, p. 56</ref> that the two left together is unreliable. Hussain was accompanied by his household, his sons, brothers, and the sons of Hasan. Muhammad b. Hanafiya did not join him and urged him not to move to Iraq before receiving the oath of allegiance there. Hussain should rather stay in Mecca or hide in the desert and mountains until the sentiments of the people became clear. Hussain traveled the main road to Mecca, refusing to avoid being pursued by taking a side road. Otba b. Abi Sofyan, in spite of Marwan’s prodding, did not wish to use violence against the grandson of the Prophet, and Yazid replaced him for his inaction. In Mecca Hussain stayed in the house of Abbas b. Abd-al-Mottaleb <ref>Ibn Saʿd, p. 56</ref> and remained there for four months.
==Oath of Allegiance to Hussain==
In Kufa the leaders of the Shiʿa, on learning of Muawiya’s death, assembled again in the house of Solayman b. Sorad. They wrote to Hussain praising God for having destroyed the obstinate tyrant Mu’awiya, who had seized the rule of the Muslim community without its consent, appropriated its fayʾ (immovable properties acquired by conquest) and made it pass into the hands of the wealthy and powerful, who had killed their best men and retained the most evil among them. They urged Hussain to join them, since they had no [[imam]]. They informed him that they did not attend the Friday prayer with Mu’awiya’s governor Noʿman b. Bashir Ansari and would drive him out of the town as soon as Hussain agreed to come to them. They sent him in short order seven messages with bags of letters of support by Kufan warriors and tribal leaders. The first two of them arrived in Mecca on 10 Ramazan 60/13 June 680. Hussain wrote the Kufans that he understood from their letters that they had no imam and they wished him to come to unite them by right guidance. He informed them that he was sending his cousin [[Muslim ibn Aqil]] b. Abi Taleb to report to him on the situation. If he found them united as their letters indicated he would speedily join them, for it was the duty of the imam to act in accordance with the Koran, to uphold justice, to proclaim the truth, and to dedicate himself to the cause of God.

Hussain was also visited by a Shiʿite supporter with two of his sons from Basra, where Shiʿite sentiment was otherwise limited. He then sent identical letters to the chiefs of the five divisions into which the Basran tribes were divided for administrative purposes. He wrote them that God had preferred the Prophet Muhammad above all His creatures and that his family were his legatees (awsiaʾ) and heirs of his position. Their people (Qoraysh) had illegitimately claimed the right which belonged exclusively to the Prophet’s family. The family had consented to their action for the sake of the unity of the community. Those who had seized the right of the Prophet’s family had set many things straight and had sought the truth. He, Hussain, prayed to God for mercy on them and on the Prophet’s family. He was now summoning them to the Book of God and the tradition (sunna) of His Prophet. The tradition had indeed been destroyed while innovation had been spread. Hussain promised to guide them on the path of righteousness if they would obey and follow him. The contents of the letter closely reflected the guideline set by [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|Ali]], who had strongly upheld the sole right of the family of the Prophet to leadership of the Muslim community but had also praised the conduct of the first caliphs Abu Bakr and Omar. While most of the recipients of the letter kept it secret, one of them suspected that it was a ploy of the governor [[ʿObayd-Allah Ibn Ziad|Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad]] to test their loyalty and turned it over to him. Obayd-Allah seized and beheaded Hussain’s messenger and addressed a stern warning to the people of Basra.<ref>Tabari, II, pp. 235-36, 240-41</ref>
==Muslim b. ‘Aqil’s Martyrdom==
The mission of Muslim b. Aqil was initially successful. The Kufan Shiʿites visited him freely, and 18,000 men are said to have enlisted with him in support of Hussain. He wrote to Hussain, encouraging him to come swiftly to Kufa. The situation changed radically when Yazid replaced Noʿman b. Bashir by Obayd-Allah b. Ziad, ordering the latter to deal severely with Muslim b. Aqil. Obayd-Allah succeeded in intimidating the tribal chiefs. A revolt collapsed when the rebels failed to capture the governor’s palace. Muslim b. Aqil was found and delivered to Obayd-Allah, who had him beheaded on the top of the palace and his body thrown down to the crowd. [[Haniʾ b. ʿUrwa al-Muradi|Haniʾ b. Urwa]], chief of the tribe of Morad, was also crucified for having sheltered him. Yazid wrote to Obayd-Allah, commending him highly for his decisive action and ordering him to set up watches for Hussain and his supporters and to arrest them but to kill only those who would fight him.
==Hussain’s Departure to Kufa==
Before news of the adverse turn of events arrived in Mecca, Hussain set out for Kufa on 8 or 10 Dhu’l-Hejja 60/10 or 12 September 680, breaking off his hajj for the omra (the lesser pilgrimage). He was accompanied by some fifty members of his family, close kin, and a few supporters. He had been advised by Abd-Allah b. Omar and other prominent men of Qoraysh against his move. According to most accounts, Abd-Allah b. Zobayr, seeing him as a rival in his own bid for popular support, urged him to join his partisans in Kufa <ref>see esp. Ibn Saʿd, p. 56</ref>, but this is contradicted by other reports, according to which he offered to support him if he would rise in Mecca.<ref>Baladhori, II, p. 467</ref> His uncle Abd-Allah b. Abbas in particular warned him not to trust the Kufans, who had betrayed his father and his brother and pleaded with him not to take his women and children along if he insisted on accepting their invitation. Hussain regularly thanked his advisers for their concern but replied that he must leave the outcome to the decision of God. After Hussain’s departure, his cousin Abd-Allah b. Jaʿfar sent him a letter with his sons ʿAwn and Muhammad, in which he implored him once more not to proceed. He further induced the governor of Mecca, Amr b. Saʿid Ashdaq, to write a guarantee of safety and protection for him if he would return to Mecca. The governor sent his brother Yahya b. Saʿid with a group of men and Abd-Allah b. Jaʿfar to persuade Hussain, but he told them that he had seen a vision of the Prophet, who had ordered him to proceed, whatever the outcome. As he continued on his way, there was a minor scuffle between his supporters and the messengers of the governor, who then returned to Mecca. The two sons of Abd-Allah b. Jaʿfar accompanied Hussain and were killed with him.

[[Obayd-Allah Ibn Ziad|Obayd-Allah b. Ziad]] sent his police chief Hussain b. Tamim to [[Qadisiyya]] with the order to block the roads from Hejaz to Iraq. Hussain learned of this from some bedouins he met, who stated that they were cut off from Kufa, but he continued on his way. In [[Al-Thaʿlabiyya|Thaʿlabiyya]] he first received news of the abortive Kufan rising and the execution of [[Muslim b. Aqil b. Abi Talib|Muslim b. Aqil]] and [[Haniʾ b. ʿUrwa al-Muradi|Haneʾ b. Orwa]]. The reliability of reports that he considered turning back at this stage and changed his mind only because of the resolve of Muslim’s brothers to seek revenge or death is to be doubted. In [[Zubala]] he was informed that a messenger he had sent to Kufa to announce his imminent arrival had been intercepted and killed by Obayd-Allah b. Ziad by having him thrown from the roof of his palace. In a written statement he broke the news to his supporters, acknowledging that the Kufan Shiʿites had deserted him, and encouraged anyone who so wished, to leave freely without guilt. Most of those who had joined him at various stages on the way from Mecca now left him.
==The Battle of Karbala==
Soon after leaving [[Sharaf]] his supporters sighted a troop of 1,000 Kufan mounted men under the command of [[Hurr b. Yazid Riahi Tamimi]]. He turned off the road towards the left and alighted at [[Dhu Husam]] near [[Karbala]], where he was joined by the Kufan troop. Hussain ordered the call to prayer to be made and addressed the Kufans, reminding them that they had invited him to come because they were without an [[imam]]. He told them that he intended to proceed to Kufa with their support, but if they were now opposed to his coming, he would return to where he had come from. The Kufans did not respond, but performed the midday prayer under his leadership. After the afternoon prayer he addressed them again. He stressed the prior right of the Prophet’s family to govern them and mentioned the letters he had received from them. When Hurr claimed that they knew nothing of these letters, he had the saddle-bags with them brought forward and scattered the letters before them. Hurr averred that they were not of those who had written them and that they were under order to bring him to ʿObayd-Allah b. Ziad. When Hussain set out to move, Hurr blocked his way. After a heated exchange, Hurr explained that he had not been ordered to fight Hussain but to bring him to Kufa. If Hussain would not follow him, Hurr would not allow him to take the route to either Kufa or Medina. He would write to Obayd-Allah for further instructions, and, also suggested that Hussain should write to Yazid or Obayd-Allah. Hussain did not accept the advice and turned left in the direction of Odayb and [[Qadisiyya]]. Hurr kept following him and warned him against a fight in which he would inevitably perish, but he was unable to prevent four Kufan Shiʿites from joining him. When they reached the district of Ninawa, a village near Karbala, a messenger arrived from Kufa with instructions for Hurr to force Hussain to camp in the open desert in a place without fortification and water. Obayd Allah’s aim evidently was to force Hussain to start fighting. As Hurr prevented him from alighting either in Ninawa or Ghazeriya (a village to the northeast of [[Karbala]]), on 2 [[Muharram]] 61/2 October 680, he set his camp in the desert land of Karbala at a location that was without [[water]].

The following day a Kufan army of 4,000 men arrived under the command of [[ʿOmar b. Saʿd|Omar b. Saʿd]] b. Abi Waqqas. Omar b. Saʿd had been appointed by Obayd Allah governor of Rayy and been sent off to fight the Deylamites, but was recalled to lead the army against Hussain. As the son of one of the most eminent early Companions of Muhammad, he was loath to use force against the Prophet’s grandson and asked to be excused from the mission. Obayd Allah demanded that he return the letter of appointment for the governorship of Rayy if he refused to lead the campaign against Hussain. After some delay, Omar accepted the command, evidently still hoping that he could avoid a battle. He first sent a messenger to Hussain to inquire about the purpose of his coming to Iraq. Hussain answered again that he had responded to the invitation of the people of Kufa but was ready to leave if they now disliked his presence. When Omar b. Saʿd reported back to Obayd-Allah, the governor instructed him to offer Hussain and his supporters the opportunity to swear allegiance to Yazid. If they were to do so, he would judge the matter further. Shortly afterwards, he ordered Omar b. Saʿd to cut off Hussain and his followers from access to the water of the Euphrates. Omar stationed 500 men along the river, but was unable to prevent Hussain’s brother Abbas with fifty men from filling their water-skins in a night sortie.

While the formal standoff continued, Hussain sent a messenger to Omar b. Saʿd, suggesting that they meet privately at night between the camps. They met and are said to have talked for much of the night. No one was present to hear their conversation, but there were rumors that Hussain proposed that they both leave their armies and together go to see Yazid. Omar b. Saʿd, however, refused to do so, afraid of being punished by Obayd-Allah. The majority of the transmitters, rather, maintained that Hussain offered Omar three choices: Either he would return to where he had come from, or he would go to Syria to submit to Yazid personally, or he could be sent to one of the border stations to fight the infidels. Omar is reported to have transmitted these proposals to Obayd-Allah. This offer ascribed to Hussain was, however, emphatically denied by Oqba b. Semʿan, a client of Hussain’s wife Rabab, who survived the battle of Karbala. He testified that Hussain never offered anything but to depart and travel the land until the affairs of the people would clarify.<ref>Tabari, II, p. 314; tr., pp. 108-9</ref> An offer by Hussain to submit to Yazid at this stage must appear unlikely in view of his religious convictions, and the reports are in line with the tendency of the early tradition to accent the primary guilt of Obayd-Allah in Hussain’s death.

Whatever proposals Omar b. Saʿd submitted to Obayd-Allah, they were evidently designed to avoid fighting or the surrender of Hussain to the governor in Kufa. Obayd-Allah is reported to have at first been ready to accept them. Shimr b. Dhi l-Jawshan advised him, however, not to allow Hussain to escape from his territory without having submitted to his authority, since this would be a sign of weakness on his part and an acknowledgment of the power of Hussain’s position; but if Hussain and his followers submitted, the governor could either punish or forgive them. Obayd-Allah now changed his mind and wrote to Omar b. Saʿd that he had not sent him to hold him off from fighting Hussain and to intercede on his behalf. If Hussain and his supporters submitted to his authority, Omar could send them to Kufa in peace. Otherwise, he should fight, kill, and disfigure them, as they deserved that. If Hussain was killed, he should make the horses trample on his chest and back since he was a disobedient rebel, an evil wrongdoer who split the community, since he, Obayd-Allah, had made a vow to do that to Hussain in case he was killed. If Omar refused to comply with these instructions, he should surrender the command to [[Shimr b. Dhi l-Jawshan|Shimr b. Dhi’l-Jawshan]], with whom Obayd-Allah sent the letter. On reading it, Omar b. Saʿd cursed Shimr but agreed to carry out the orders himself.

Omar b. Saʿd now prepared for immediate battle in the evening of 9 Muharram/9 October. Hussain was sitting in front of his tent when his brother ʿAbbas informed him that the enemy was advancing towards them. He asked Abbas to inquire about the cause of the change of their attitude. They told him that an order of the governor had arrived to attack unless Hussain and his followers submitted to his authority. Hussain asked for a delay until next morning so they would have time to decide on the option. The account stresses that he did so only in order to arrange his affairs and give counsel to his family. Omar b. Saʿd was consulted and, on the advice of some of the army leaders, agreed to the postponement. Hussain once more encouraged all his supporters to leave and scatter in the desert under cover of the night, releasing them from their oath of allegiance. They might also take the members of his family along. He suggested that the enemy was looking only for him and would not search for them once they found him. Nearly all his followers, however, decided to stay and fight and to protect him. They spent the night in prayer and preparation for the battle. On the next morning, as Omar b. Saʿd arranged the Kufan army in battle order, Hurr b. Yazid challenged him and went over to Hussain. He vainly addressed the Kufans, rebuking them for their treachery to the grandson of the Prophet, and was killed in the battle.

The battle of Karbala lasted from morning till sunset on 10 Muharram 61/10 October 680. Omar b. Saʿd, evidently hoping to isolate Hussain and force him to surrender, did not order a general attack that would inevitably have resulted in a quick massacre. The reports rather describe numerous incidents of single combat, skirmishes, assaults, and retreat. Hussain ordered heaps of wood and reeds to be burnt in a ditch behind the tents to prevent an attack from the rear. From the front he was protected by his men, and he was not involved in actual fighting until close to the end. As the Kufans also suffered losses because of the self-sacrificing bravery of Hussain’s followers, the fighting gradually became more brutal. In one attack the enemy set the tents on fire, but the flames at first hindered their own advance. Shimr b. Dhi’l-Jawshan is mostly described as the moving spirit, viciously driving on the assault. Hussain was first wounded by an arrow hitting his mouth or throat as he was trying to reach the Euphrates to drink. After receiving further wounds, he eventually was stabbed with a spear by Senan b. Anas Nakhaʿi. As he fell, Senan and Khawali b. Yazid Asbahi joined to cut his head off. In accordance with Obayd Allah b. Ziad’s instructions, ʿOmar ordered his body to be trampled by horses. Later he was buried by the Banu Asad of the nearby village of Ghazeriya in the spot where the sanctuary of Hussain arose. His head was carried to ʿUbayd Allah b. Ziad in Kufa and then to Yazid in Damascus. Later there were claims in regard to several locations to be its burial place.

The dead on the side of Hussain are said to have numbered seventy or seventy-two. At least twenty descendants of Abu Taleb were among them. The first one of these to be killed was Hussain’s own son [[ʿAli Akbar|Ali Akbar]]. As a nephew of the caliph Yazid he was offered a safe-conduct, but he refused it, proudly proclaiming that he valued his descent from the Prophet more highly.<ref>Ibn Saʿd, p. 73; Zobayri, p. 58</ref> Hussain’s son Abd-Allah was still a child and is described as having been killed by an arrow while placed on his father’s knees. He can, however, hardly have been a baby as claimed in some accounts. Six of Hussain’s paternal brothers, sons of Ali, fell. Four of them were sons of Omm Banin bt. Hezam of the Banu Kelab. Her brother’s son, Abd-Allah b. Abi Mohell b. Hezam, obtained a letter of safety for them from Obayd Allah b. Ziad, but they rejected it. Three sons of Hasan and three sons of Abd-Allah b. Jaʿfar were killed, as well as three sons and three grandsons of Aqil b. Abi Taleb. Ibn Saʿd <ref>p. 77</ref> lists among the dead two other Hashemites, a descendent of Abu Lahab, and a descendent of Abu Sofyan b. Hareth b. Abd-al-Mottaleb. Among the survivors of the Prophet’s family, being led off as captives, he mentions two sons of Hasan, a son of Abd-Allah b. Jaʿfar, a son of Aqil, and five women. According to Abu’l-Faraj Esfahani <ref>Maqatel, p. 119</ref>, three sons of Hasan survived, among them Hasan b. Hasan, who was severely wounded. Hussain’s other son named Ali survived because he was sick and unable to fight on the battle day. He was brought as a captive before Obayd Allah b. Ziad and then before Yazid in Damascus. The latter treated him well and sent him with the women to Medina. He thus became recognized as the fourth Imam of the Shiʿites.

The impact of the tragedy of Karbala on the religious conscience of Muslims has ever been deep and goes beyond its consecration of the passion and penitence motives in [[Shiʿism]]. The motivation of the major actors in it have often been debated. It is evident that Hussain cannot be viewed as simply a reckless rebel risking his and his family’s lives for his personal ambition. He refused to break his oath of allegiance to Mu’awiya despite his severe reproval of his conduct. He did not pledge allegiance to Yazid, who had been appointed successor by Mu’awiya in violation of his treaty with [[Hasan]], and most likely never agreed to do so. Yet he also did not actively seek [[martyrdom]]. He offered to leave Iraq as soon as it became clear that he no longer had any support in Kufa. It was Obayd Allah who vainly sought to provoke him to start the fighting. His initial determination to follow the invitation of the Kufan Shiʿites in spite of the numerous warnings he received and his visions of the Prophet reflect a religious conviction of a mission that left him no choice, whatever the outcome. Like his father he was firmly convinced that the family of the Prophet was divinely chosen to lead the community founded by Muhammad, as the latter had been chosen, and had both an inalienable right and an obligation to seek this leadership.

The accounts of the early sources tend to put the responsibility for the death of Hussain mostly on Obayd-Allah b. Ziad and to exonerate the caliph Yazid, who is described as cursing his governor and stating that if he had been present he would have spared Hussain. Obayd-Allah certainly was eager to humiliate and kill Hussain, as is evident from his vow to have his body trampled by horses. His hatred ultimately sprang from the denunciation of Mu’awiya’s recognition of Ziad as his brother by the grandsons of the Prophet in the name of Islam. The prime responsibility for the death of Hussain, however, lay with Yazid, who knew that the grandson of the Prophet would constitute a menace to his reign as long as he was alive, even if temporarily forced to submission. Yazid wanted him dead but, as a caliph of Islam, could not afford to be seen as having ordered his death. He was aware of Obayd-Allah’s hatred of Hussain when he appointed him governor of Kufa and hinted in a letter to him that Hussain would reduce him to slave status again (Baladhori, II, p. 464). He commended Obayd-Allah highly for the execution of Muslim b. Aqil, and the governor could not be in any doubt as to what was expected of him. When the caliph sought in public, however, to place the onus for the slaughter of the Prophet’s grandson on him, Obayd-Allah reacted with resentment and declined Yazid’s wish that he next lead the assault on Abd-Allah b. Zobayr in the Kaʿba.<ref>Tabari, II, p. 408, tr. p. 204</ref>
==The family of Hussain==
Hussain’s first marriage was with Rabab, daughter of Emraʾ-al-Qays b. Adi, a chief of the Banu Kalb. Her father came to Medina early during the caliphate of Omar and was appointed by him amir over all tribesmen of Qozaʿa who would convert to Islam. Ali proposed to him to establish marriage ties, and he agreed to give three of his daughter to Ali, Hasan, and Hussain in marriage. Hasan and Hussain, and no doubt the daughters of Emraʾ-al-Qays, were too young for the wedding to take place immediately, and Hasan may never actually have married the girl chosen for him. Hussain later married Rabab, and in the later years of Ali’s caliphate, Emraʾ-al-Qays and his kin were referred to as his in-laws.<ref>ashar; Thaqafi, p. 426</ref> Rabab remained Hussain’s favorite wife, even though she was childless for many years. Probably after Ali’s death, she bore him a daughter Amena (Amina, Omayma), commonly known as [[Sokayna]]. Later Rabab bore him his son Abd-Allah, who was still a child when he was killed at Karbala. He presumably had saved his own patronymic (konya), Abu Abd-Allah, for a son by her. In some late Shiʿite sources Abd-Allah is called [[ʿAli Asqar|Ali Asqar]] (q.v.), but this is without historical foundation. After Hussain’s death, Rabab is said to have spent a year in grief at his grave and to have refused to remarry. No details are known about Hussain’s marriage to Solafa, a woman of the tribe Bali of Qozaʿa. She bore him a son named Jaʿfar, who died during Hussain’s lifetime.

Of Hussain’s two sons named Ali, the one who survived him, known as [[ʿAli b. al-Hussain|Zayn al-Abedin]], the fourth Imam of the Shiʿites, was the elder and probably his first-born son. He was twenty-three at the time of the battle of Karbala and thus was born during the caliphate of Ali. His mother was a slave woman, probably from Sind. She was later married to a client of Hussain and had a son with him, ʿAbd-Allah b. Zobayd, who was thus a maternal brother of Ali Zayn al-Abedin. The descendants of Abd-Allah b. Zobayd later lived in Yanboʿ.<ref>Ibn Saʿd, p. 17</ref> Whereas Zayn al-Abedin is called Ali al-Asqar in the early Sunnite sources, Muhammad Mofid <ref>pp. 236-37</ref> and other Shiʿite authors are probably correct in calling him ʿAli Akbar. The second Ali, called Ali Akbar in the Sunnite sources but Ali Asqar by Shaikh Mofid, was nineteen when he was killed at Karbala. His mother was Layla, daughter of Morra b. Orwa Ṯaqafi and Maymuna bt. Abi Sofyan, sister of the caliph Muawiya. The marriage must have taken place soon after Hasan’s surrender to Mu’awiya, as it would not have been possible during the lifetime of Ali. Hussain evidently named his son by Layla also Ali since he, because of his aristocratic Arab mother, had precedence over his elder son by a non-Arab slave woman to become his primary heir. Mu’awiya is even quoted as observing that Ali b. Hussain was the one most suited for the caliphate, since he combined the bravery of the Banu Hashem, the munificence of the Banu Umayya, and the pride of Thaqif.<ref>Abu’l-Faraj Esfahani, Maqatel, p. 80</ref>

After the death of Hasan, Hussain married Omm Eshaq, daughter of the prominent Companion Talha. She bore Hussain’s daughter Fatima. Contrary to some reports, Fatima must have been younger than Sokayna. At the time of her father’s death, she was probably engaged, but not yet married, to Hasan b. Hasan, the primary heir of Hasan b. Ali.
==References==
{{reflist|30em}}
==Bibliography==

*Abu’l-Faraj Eṣfahāni, Maqātel al-Ṭālebiyin, ed. Aḥmad Ṣaqr, Cairo, 1949, pp. 78-122.
*Idem, al-Aḡāni, ed. Naṣr Hurini, 20 vols., Bulāq, 1869, XLV, pp. 163-65.
*Abu Ḥanifa Dinavari, Aḵbār al-ṭewāl, ed. Abd-al-Moʾmen Āmer and Jamāl-al-Din Šayyāl, Cairo, 1960, pp. 220-21, 224 ff.
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*Tabari, index. Ebrāhim b. Muhammad Ṯaqafi, Ḡārāt, ed. Jal-āl-al-Din Moḥaddeṯ, Tehran, 1975, p. 426.
*Fahmi ʿOways, Šahid Karbalāʾ al-Imām al-Hussain b. ʿAli . . . , Cairo, 1948.
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*Julius Wellhausen, Die religiös-politischen Oppositionsparteien im alten Islam, Berlin, 1901, esp. pp. 61-71; tr. R. C. Ostle and S. M. Walzer as The Religious-Political Factions in Early Islam, Amsterdam, 1975, pp. 105-20.
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*Moṣʿab b. Abd-Allah Zobayri, Ketāb nasab Qorayš, ed. E´variste Lévi-Provençal, Cairo, 1953, pp. 57-59.

==Sources==

*[http://www.oxfordislamicstudies.com/article/opr/t243/e141 OXFORD ISLAMIC STUDIES ONLINE]
*[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/hosayn-b-ali ENCYCLOPÆDIA IRANICA]

[[Category:Individuals]]
[[Category:Twelver Shi’ism]]
[[Category:The Fourteen Infallibles]]
[[Category:Ahl-e Kisa]]
[[Category:Battle of Karbala]]
[[Category:Imams]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[Category:Ahl al-Bayt]]
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2021-06-12T11:29:22Z

Heydari:

A '''Rawza-Khani''' is a Shiʻite ritual sermon recounting and mourning the death and martyrdom of the prophet of Islam, Shia imams and other sacred people and events including seventh-century tragedy of [[Karbala]], which was a battle in which the Prophet's grandson [[Hussain ibn Ali|Imam Hussain]] was martyred (in what is viewed by the [[Shiʿa|Shiʻa]] as a heroic struggle against religious tyranny and corruption). The primary catalyst in the emergence of this ritual was the appearance of [[Hussain Vaez Kashifi|Hussain Vaez Kashifi]]'s 1502 composition entitled [[Rawzat al-shuhada]] (The garden of martyrs). Rawza-khanis are performed in homes, mosques, [[Takiya]]s, [[Hussainiya]]s, religious sites, and even in the streets and bazaars of cities. The rawza-khani is a ritual in which a sermon is given based on a text like the Rawzat al-shuhada, with a great deal of improvisation on the part of the specially trained speaker. <ref>Kamran Aghaie (2004). Encyclopedia of Islam and Muslim World. Edited by [[Richard C. Martin]]. USA: Macmillan, P. 574. ISBN 0-02-865912-0.</ref>
==Evolution of Rawza-Khani==
Literature dedicated to the martyrs of Karbala and other Shiʿite sacred figures, in Arabic and Persian, about the [[Ahl-e Bayt]], particularly [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain]] and the Karbala martyrs, was increasingly composed by authors of both Shiʿite and Sunnite persuasion. Under the Seljuqs (1038-1194), this devotional literature spread widely through storytellers. During this time, elegies (marathi) and eulogies (manaqeb) continued to be composed, in Arabic, Persian, and Turkish, by learned theologians, poets, and popular storytellers. A major synthesis of maqatel and manaqeb literature was provided by Hussain Vaez Kashifi (d. 910/1504-05) in his Rawzat al-shuhada. During the imposition of [[Twelver Shiʿism]] by the [http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/safavids Safavids] (1501-1722), Kashifi’s work became the textbook of preachers, thus called rawza-khans, who also continued to use material from epic, elegiac, theological, and historical literature. Along with Kashifi’s book, the celebrated [[Mohtasham Kashani]]’s (d. 996/1587 or 1000/1591) Davazdah band on the tragedy at Karbala was used extensively in [[Muharram]] ceremonies and served as an unrivalled model for further elegies, homilies, and dirges. <ref>Hussain ibn Ali in popular Shi’ism at Encyclopedia Irannica. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/hosayn-b-ali-ii.</ref>
==The Goal of Rawza-Khani==
The objective of the speaker is to move the audience to tears through his recitation of the tragic details of the Battle of Karbala. In addition to serving social, political, and psychological functions, this type of mourning ritual has been viewed by Shi’a as a means of achieving salvation. This belief is illustrated by the often-repeated Shi'ite quotation, “Anyone who cries for Hussain or causes someone to cry for Hussain shall go directly to paradise." <ref> Kamran Aghaie (2004). Encyclopedia of Islam and Muslim World. Edited by [[Richard C. Martin]]. USA: Macmillan, P. 574. ISBN 0-02-865912-0.</ref>

==Source==

*Kamran Aghaie, (2004). Encyclopedia of Islam and Muslim World. Edited by Richard C. Martin. USA: Macmillan; P: 574. <nowiki>ISBN 0-02-865912-0</nowiki>
*[https://iranicaonline.org/articles/hosayn-b-ali-ii Iranica Online website]

==Reference==
[[Category: Shi’a Islam]]
[[Category: Mourning Rituals]]
[[Category: Shi’ia literature]]
[[Category: Popular culture]]
<references />

Hasan B. Ali B. Abi Taleb

2021-06-09T11:02:23Z

Heydari:

{{infobox person
| name =Editing Hasan B. ʿAli B. Abi Taleb
| native_name =الحسن ابن علی ابن أبی طالب‎
| image = Janna_al_Baqi.jpg
| caption =The historical tomb of Al-Baqi, which stood over the qabr (Arabic: قَـبـر‎, grave) of Al-Hasan, and was destroyed in 1925.
| known_for = The second Imam of Shi'a
| birth_date = 15 Ramadhan AH 3 in the ancient (intercalated) Arabic calendar (1 December 624 CE)
| birth_place =Medina, Hijaz (present-day Saudi Arabia)
| father = Ali
| mother = Fatima
| relatives = Muhammad (maternal grandfather), Hussain ibn Ali (brother), Zaynab bint Ali (sister) Muhsin ibn Ali (brother), Umm Kulthum bint Ali (sister), Abbas (brother)
| spouse = Um Kulthum bint Alfadhl bin Al-Abbas bin Abdulmuttalib bin Hashim, Khawla bint Mandhoor bin Zaban bin Syar bin Amro, Um Basheer bint Abi Mas'ud, Ju'da bint Al-Ash'ath bin Qays Ma'di Karb Alkindi
| children = Qāsim, Muhammad ibn Hasan, Abu Bakr ibn Hasan, Fātimah, Abu'l-Ḥasan, Zayd, Abdullah, Talha, Maymūnah, Al-Hasan al-Muthana, Beshr, Umm al-Hussain
| death_date = 28 Safar AH 50- aged 45 (1 April 670)
| death_place =Medina, Umayyad Caliphate (present-day Saudi Arabia)
| resting_place = Al-Baqi', Medina, Saudi Arabia
}}
'''Hasan B. Ali B. Abi Taleb,''' was the eldest surviving grandson of the Prophet [[Muhammad]] through his daughter [[Fatima]], and second [[Imam]] of the [[Shiʿa|Shi’a]] after his father [[Ali ibn Abi Talib|Ali]]. Both Shi’ite and Sunni sources report numerous al-Hasan’s virtues. He is also one of [[the People of Cloak]] and, in Twelver Shi’ite belief, one of the [[fourteen Infallibles]].

After martyrdom of Imam Ali, al-Hasan became the Imam and received the backing of the Kufans. Refusing to accept al-Hasan’s [[Caliphate]], [[Mu'awiya|Muʿawiya]] launched a military expedition against him. Al-Hasan was plagued by defections from his army mainly from Kharijites who tried to assassinate Imam. Finally, Imam al-Hasan accepted the peace treaty and abdicated the caliphate to avoid bloodshed with the condition that [[Mu'awiya|Muʿawiya]] should rule according to the Qur'an and the Sunna of the Prophet and should not appoint any successor for himself, and that no one, including the Shiites, should be persecuted. On 5 Rabiʿ I 50/2 April 670, he was martyred by poisoning.
==Birth and Early Life==
According to traditional sources, he was born on 15 Ramadan 3/2 March 625 A.D and was brought up in the Prophet’s household until the age of seven, when his grandfather died. Muhammad slaughtered a ram for the poor on the occasion of his birth, as he did later for his brother [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain]]. He chose the names of both his grandsons. Fatima shaved their heads and gave silver as heavy as the weight of their hair, as alms.

There are numerous reports illustrating the great love and tenderness of the Prophet toward his grandsons, which he did not conceal in public. He is described as carrying Hasan on his shoulders, seating him on his knees, kissing him on his belly, allowing him to ride on his back as he was prostrating himself in prayer, and interrupting his sermon in order to caress him when Hasan climbed the pulpit to join him. Widely reported was Muhammad ’s statement that his two grandsons would be the lords of the youth ([[sayyeda Shabab]]) of Paradise. Hasan later remembered prayers Muhammad had taught him and other statements and acts of the Prophet, such as his removing a date belonging to the alms (sadaqa) from his grandson’s mouth while explaining that partaking of alms was not licit for any member of his family.
==Life Under the first four Caliphs==
Hasan ibn Ali is mentioned as being among those present at the battles of the Camel and [https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-the-quran/siffin-battle-of-EQSIM_00388 Siffin], but not as a prominent participant. In a testament dated 10 Jomada I 39 / 2 November 658, Ali put Hasan in charge of his land endowments (sadaqat) in Arabia, to be succeeded by Hussain if he were to survive him. <ref>Ibn Shabba, pp. 225-28.</ref>
==Caliphate==
When Ali was murdered on 19 Ramadan 28/28 January 660, Hasan received the backing of the Kufans despite suspicions that he might surrender rather than carry out his father’s war plans. Hasan was prepared to sacrifice the rights of the Family of the Prophet for the sake of the peace and unity of the Muslim community, while at the same time he recognized that he would have to negotiate an honorable peace with a general amnesty for his supporters. After two months of inactivity he sent [[Muʿawiya]] a letter summoning him to pledge allegiance since, as the grandson of the Prophet, he was more entitled to reign. <ref>Esfahani, pp. 55-57.</ref>

Aware of Hasan’s pacifist disposition, Muʿawiya answered that he recognized the excellence of the Prophet’s family and would readily follow his summons were it not for his own superior experience in governing. He asked Hasan to accept his authority to rule, in which case he would cede the succession to him after his own death, and he promised Hasan the present contents of the treasury of Iraq, to be followed by the revenue of any province of Iraq he might choose, as well as consultation in all matters of government.
==Confronting Muʿawiya Army==
When Hasan failed to reply, Muʿawiya sent a more threatening letter and mobilized his army to invade Iraq. Hasan now also mobilized to meet the threat. He sent a vanguard under ʿObayd-Allah b. Abbas to Masken in order to block the advance of the enemy and followed them with the main army. The choice of Obayd-Allah, who had been reprimanded by ʿAli for abandoning his governorship of Sanʿaʾ without a fight, reflected Hasan’s continued hope to avoid battle and to reach a peaceful settlement.

At Sabath near al-Madaʾen, Hasan gave a sermon to his army revealing his pacifist inclination. This provoked a mutiny among his men; his pavilion was overrun and looted, and Ibn Jaʿʿal al-Azdi pulled the tunic off his shoulders, leaving him undressed, clinging to his sword. Order was restored by loyal tribesmen of Rabiʿa and Hamdan. As the army moved on, however, at Mozlem Sabath, al-Jarrah b. Senan al-Asadi, a man with [https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780195390155/obo-9780195390155-0047.xml Kharijite] convictions, attacked him, accusing him of having associated partners with God as his father Ali had done. He cleft Hasan’s thigh with a pick-axe before being overpowered and killed. Hasan was carried to al-Madaʾen, where he was lodged with the governor Saʿd b. Masʿud al-Taqafi until his wound had healed. <ref>Esfahani, pp. 63-64; Baladori, II, pp. 381-82.</ref>

At Masken, Muʿawiya sought to persuade the Kufan vanguard to surrender, claiming that Hasan had sought a truce. They refused, but ʿObayd-Allah b. Abbas deserted at night on a promise of a million dirhams. The warlike Qays b. Saʿd took command and blocked the Syrian advance.
==Peace Treaty==
Muʿawiya now initiated serious negotiations. After an exchange of high-level envoys, he committed himself in a witnessed letter to cede power after his own death to Hasan and to grant him a million dirhams annually in addition to the land tax of Fasa and Darabjerd, for which Hasan could send his own tax-collectors. On reading the letter Hasan commented that Muʿawiya was trying to appeal to his greed for something which he, if he desired it, would not surrender to him. He instructed his envoy to tell Muʿawiya that if he granted safety to the people he would pledge allegiance to him. Muʿawiya now sent him a blank sheet with his seal at the bottom, inviting him to stipulate whatever he wished. Hasan wrote that he was surrendering the reign to Muʿawiya on the basis that he acts in accordance with the book of God, the Sunna of His Messenger, and the conduct of the righteous caliphs. Muʿawiya would not be entitled to appoint his successor, but an electoral council (shura) would be set up for this task. Everyone would be safe, wherever they were, with respect to their person, property, and offspring. Muʿawiya would neither seek to harm Hasan openly or secretly nor intimidate any of his companions. <ref>Baladori, II, pp. 385-86.</ref> Hasan relinquished his control of Iraq in Rabiʿ II 41/August 661 after a reign of seven months.

The truce secured, Muʿawiya moved with his army to Kufa. At the public surrender ceremony he demanded that Hasan rise and apologize. After first declining, Hasan reminded the people that he and hussain were the only grandsons of the Prophet Muhammad. Muʿawiya had contested a right that belonged to Hasan, who ceded it to him in the best interest of the community, in order to spare their blood. In his own speech Muʿawiya disowned all his previous stipulations and promises to Hasan and others, which were made merely in order to extinguish the fire of rebellion and to cut short the war. His aim had been to seek revenge for the blood of Othman, and anyone failing to pledge allegiance within three days would not be pardoned. Hasan chose to return to Medina with his family. As he reached al-Qadesiya, Muʿawiya sent after him demanding that he fight a band of Kharijites who had taken up arms against the new ruler. Hasan declined, stating that he had abandoned the war against Muʿawiya for the sake of the reconciliation of the community, and would not fight for him. <ref>Baladori , Ansāb II, pp. 387-89.</ref>

As Muʿawiya came to realize that Hasan would not give active backing to his regime, relations between them deteriorated. Hasan rarely, if ever, visited Muʿawiya in Damascus. Although he is reported to have accepted gifts from the caliph, the bulk of Muʿawiya ’s gifts to the Banu Hashem went to Hasan’s cousin, Abd-Allah b. Jaʿfar, who had no political ambitions nor any following and would spend the money on poets, musicians, and singers. At the same time Hasan was denounced to his face by a few of his father’s most ardent supporters as having humiliated the faithful by surrendering to Muʿawiya. Many, however, still put their hopes on his succession to the caliphate after Muʿawiya ’s death. Umayyad propaganda began to insinuate that Hasan was plotting to seize the caliphate.
==Death and Aftermath==
Hasan died, according to the most reliable reports, on 5 Rabiʿ I 50/2 April 670. <ref>Ibn Saʿd, p. 91.</ref> The early sources are nearly unanimous that he was poisoned. While most accuse his wife Jaʿda, daughter of the Kinda chief al-Ashʿath b. Qays, of the crime, others mention his wife Hend bt. Sohayl b. Amr of Amer Qoraysh. Usually Muʿawiya is identified as the instigator. Hasan is reported to have refused the identification of the suspect and introducing her to Hussain lest the wrong person be killed in revenge. Muʿawiya would naturally be suspected of having a hand in a murder that removed an obstacle to the succession of his son [[Yazid]] which he was promoting, and, in any case, he did not try to hide his pleasure on news of Hasan’s death.

Hasan’s burial nearly provoked fighting. He had instructed Hussain to bury him with his grandfather, but if there were opposition to that threatening bloodshed, to bury him next to his mother in the cemetery of Baqiʿ al-Gharqad. The Omayyad governor, Saʿid b. al-ʿAṣ, did not interfere, but Marwan b. al-Hakam, who had been deposed the year before, swore that he would not allow Hasan to be buried next to Muhammad with Abu Bakr and Omar as long as Othman was buried in al-Baqiʿ, and informed the caliph. Hussain summoned the helf al-fozul, a defensive alliance of several clans of Quraysh, to back the right of the Banu Hashem against the Banu Omayya.

As the parties were about to start fighting, Muhammad b. al-Ḥanafiya and others prevailed upon Hussain to heed Hasan’s desire to avoid bloodshed and to bury him next to his mother. The funeral prayer was led by Saʿid b. al-ʿAṣ. Muʿawiya eventually rewarded Marwan for his stand by reappointing him governor of Medina. <ref>Ibn Saʿd, pp. 85-98.</ref> Hasan’s tomb became a pilgrimage site, especially for Shiʿites, and later a dome was built over it, one of the highest in the cemetery. It was twice, in 1806 and 1927, destroyed by the [[Wahhabis]].
==References==
{{reflist|30em}}
==Bibliography==

*Baladori , Ansāb al-ašrāf, II, ed. M. F. al-ʿAẓm, Damascus, 1996, pp. 366-402; V, ed. S. D. F. Goitein, Jerusalem, 1936, index s.v.
*Šams-al-Din Ḏa-habi, Siar aʿlām al-nobalāʾ, ed. Š. al-Arnaʾuṭ, Beirut, 1981-88, III, pp. 245-79.
*Dwight M. Donaldson, The Shiʿite Religion, London, 1933, pp. 66-78.
*Ibn Abi’l-Ḥadid, Šarḥ nahj al-balāḡµa, ed. M. A. Ebrāhim, Cairo, 1959-62, XVI, pp. 31-52.
*Ali Ibn ʿAsāker, Tarjamat al-emām al-Hasan men Taʾriḵ Demašq, ed. M. B. al-Maḥmudi, Beirut, 1400/1980.
*Ibn Esfandiar , Tāriḵ-e Tabarestan , ed. ʿAbbas Eqbāl, 2 vols., Tehran, 1320 Š./1941.
*Omar Ibn Šabba, Taʾriḵ al-Madina al-monawwara, ed. F. M. Šaltut, Qom, 1410/1989-90, pp. 225-28.
*Muhammad Ibn Saʿd, Tarjomat al-emām al-Hasan, ed. ʿA. al-Ṭabāṭabāʾi, Qom, 1416/1996.
*Muhammad Ibn Šahrāšub, Manāqeb Āl Abi Ṭāleb, Najaf, 1376/1956, III, pp. 141-205.
*Abu’l-Faraj Esfahani, Maqātel al-Ṭālebiyin, ed. A. Ṣaqr, Cairo, 1368/1949, pp. 46-77.
*S. Husain M. Jafri, Origins and Early Development of Shiʿa Islam, London and New York, 1979, pp. 130-79.
*Wilferd Madelung, The Succession to Muḥammad, Cambridge, 1997, esp. pp. 311-33, 380-87 (requires partial revision in light of Ibn Saʿd’s recently published vita of Hasan).
*Bāqer Majlesi, Beḥār al-anwār, Tehran, 1376-94/1956-74, XLIII, pp. 237-364; XLIV, pp. 1-173.
*Shaikh Mofid, al-Eršād, ed. K. Miāmawi, Tehran, 1377/1957-58, pp. 169-79; Engl. trans. I. K. A. Howard, Kitāb al-Irshād, London, 1981, pp. 279-95.
*Moojan Momen, An Introduction to Shiʿi Islam, New Haven, 1985, pp. 26-28. Ṭabari, index s.v.

==Source==

*[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/hasan-b-ali Encyclopaedia Iranica]

[[Category: Individuals]]
[[Category: Twelver Shi’ism]]
[[Category: The Fourteen Infallibles]]
[[Category: Ahl-e Kisa]]
[[Category:Imams]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[Category:Ahl al-Bayt]]

Mubahala

2021-06-08T10:54:41Z

Heydari:

'''Mubahala''' literally means “mutual imprecation, curse” (e.g. “may God’s curse over the one of us who is wrong, who lies”), and it implies swearing a conditional curse (e.g. “may God’s punishment hit me, may I be cursed if...”) and a purifying oath.

In fact, the term indicates:
1. spontaneously swearing a curse in order to strengthen an assertion or to find the truth;
2. a kind of ordeal, invoked for the same purpose, between disputing individuals or parties.

==Verse==

Verse 61 of sura Al 'Imran refers to this event:

فَمَنْ حَاجَّکَ فِیهِ مِنْ بَعْدِ مَا جَاءَکَ مِنَ الْعِلْمِ فَقُلْ تَعَالَوْا نَدْعُ أَبْنَاءَنَا وَأَبْنَاءَکُمْ وَنِسَاءَنَا وَنِسَاءَکُمْ وَأَنْفُسَنَا وَأَنْفُسَکُمْ ثُمَّ نَبْتَهِلْ فَنَجْعَلْ لَعْنَتَ اللَّهِ عَلَى الْکَاذِبِینَ

‘Should anyone argue with you concerning him (Jesus), after the knowledge that has come to you, say, 'Come! Let us call our sons and your sons, our women and your women, our souls and your souls, then let us pray earnestly and call down Allah's curse upon the liars.'

==Story==
The Qur'anic exegesists and scholars say that this noble verse was revealed when the Christians of the city of Najran agreed with the Messenger of Allah to pray to Allah to destroy the party which stuck to falsehood. As agreed, and on time, the Holy Prophet went out to the place chosen for the contest. He carried Imam [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain]] and took Imam [[Hasan B. ʿAli B. Abi Taleb|Hassan]] by the hand. [[Fatima]] followed behind while [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|Imam Ali]] walked in their wake. "Say 'Amen' at the end of my prayer," the Holy Prophet told them. But, upon seeing those faces filled with piety and grandeur, the Christians stopped short of entering the contest. They recognized the Prophet's authority, and paid the tribute.<ref>Fadha'il al-Khmasah min al-Sihah al-Sittah (Merits of the Five in the Six Authentic Books of Traditions), vol. 1, p.244. It refers to the great books which confirm this narrative. Among them are: Tafsir al-Zamakhsahri (Qur'anic Exgesis by al-Zamakhshari), Sahih Muslim, Musnad Ahmad bin Hanbal, Al-Durr al-Manthoor (The Scattered Pearls), by al-Suyooti, al-Fakhr al-Razi, and al-Tirmidhi.</ref>

The noble verse called Hassan and Hussain "our sons," mentioned the Prophet Muhammad, and referred to Ali as "ourselves" and Fatima as "our women." She symbolizes the whole of womankind in this verse.

==Source==

*[https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-2/mubahala-SIM_5289?lang=en referenc eworks]
*[https://alhassanain.org/Hussein%20Bin%20Ali/hussein_bin_ali_html/hussein_bin_ali.htm Jalali, Hussein Bin Ali]

==Reference==
[[Category:Historical events]]
[[Category:Virtues of Ahl al-Bayt]]
[[Category:Islamic Terminologies]]
<references />

Fatima

2021-06-07T11:45:33Z

Heydari:

{{infobox person
| name = Fatima
| native_name = فاطمه
| image =
| known_for =
| birth_date = 15–5 BH (605–615 AD)
| birth_place =Mecca
| father = Muhammad b. Abd Allah
| mother = Khadija bint Khuwaylid
| relatives = Qasim ibn Muhammad (brother), Zainab bint Muhammad (sister), Ruqayyah bint Muhammad (sister), Umm Kulthum bint Muhammad (sister), Ibrahim ibn Muhammad (brother)
| spouse = Ali ibn Abi Talib
| children = Hasan ibn Ali, Hussain ibn Ali, Muhsin ibn Ali (unborn), Zaynab bint Ali, Umm Kulthum bint Ali
| death_date = 3 Jumada al-Thani 11 AH (18 August 632)
| death_place = Medina
| resting_place =
}}
[[File:Fatimaa.png|thumbnail|Arabic calligraphy of Fatima, Prophet Muhammad's daughter]]
'''Fatima,''' (d. 11 AH/632 AD), daughter of [[Muhammad]] and [[Khadija]], wife of [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|ʿAli b. Abi Talib]], mother of [[Hasan B. ʿAli B. Abi Taleb|al-Hasan]] and [[Hussain ibn Ali|al-Hussain]], was the only one of the Prophet’s daughters to enjoy great renown. She became the object of great veneration by all Muslims. This may be because she lived closest to her father, lived longest, and gave him numerous descendants, who spread throughout the Muslim world. <ref>Veccia Vaglieri, L. (2007). “Fāṭima”, in: Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, Edited by: P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, W.P. Heinrichs.</ref> She is also one of [[the People of Cloak]] and, in Twelver Shi’ite belief, one of the [[fourteen Infallibles]]. She was the only lady chosen by the Prophet Muhammad to be part of [[Mubahala]] with the Christian of Najran. In contrast to the rich hagiographic material on Fatima, purely historical information, reported particularly in Sunni sources, is rare and usually involves only insignificant episodes.
==Biography==
[[File:Fatima's House.jpg|thumbnail|A rarely seen picture of Fatima's house in Medina,1982]]
Fatima was probably the youngest daughter of [[Muhammad]] and his first wife, [[Khadija]], the only daughter to live long enough to bear numerous offspring. Her date of birth is variously given as between five years before and two years after the beginning of the Prophet’s mission. <ref>Lammens, pp. 8-14.</ref> She was particularly close to her father and is said to have followed him to Medina shortly after his emigration (hejra). Although there is disagreement over details, she became the wife of the Imam [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|Ali b. Abi Taleb]] probably in 2/623-24. Muhammad arranged this marriage in obedience to divine will, having already rejected requests for her hand by Abu Bakr, ʿOmar, and probably the very wealthy ʿAbd-al-Rahman b. ʿAwf. <ref>Ibn Saʿd, pp. 11-20; Ibn Rostam, p. 12.</ref>

Before the occupation of the prosperous oasis of Khaybar ʿAli and Fatima were poor. As long as she lived Fatima was ʿAli’s only wife and bore him five children: [[Hasan]], [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain]], Muhassen (or Muhsen, dead at very young age), Omm Kulthum, and [[Zaynab]]. Reports on her death, her burial, and the exact place of her grave are contradictory. <ref>Yaʿqūbī, Taʾrīḵ II, pp. 128-30; Tabari, III, pp. 2436 ff.; Masʿūdī, Morūj VI, p. 165.</ref> Today three sites in Medina are visited as her burial place.

==Political Involvement==
She seems to have performed only three acts of political significance, each recorded in almost all sources, both [[Sunni]] and [[Shiʿa|Shiʿite]], though in different versions. First, after the conquest of Mecca she refused her protection to [[Abu Sufyan]]; second, after the death of the Prophet she courageously defended ʿAli’s cause, fiercely opposed the election of Abu Bakr, and had disputes with him and particularly with ʿOmar; third, she laid claim to the property rights of her father and challenged Abu Bakr’s categorical refusal to cede them, particularly Fadak and a share in the produce of Khaybar.
==Hagiography==
Hagiographical material on Fatima is much more ample. Whereas Sunni authors emphasized her perfectly “orthodox” virtues, in particular her rank as the daughter of the Prophet, her ascetic life, and her exemplary piety, <ref>Abu’l-Nasr, pp. 72 ff.</ref> [[Twelver Shiʿite]] hagiographers depicted her as a figure of cosmic significance, though early reports, as well as traditions attributed to her, are much scantier than those related to the other thirteen immaculate ones (maʿsum). Fatima was counted among the Prophet’s house ([[ahl al-bayt]]), the five people of the mantle ([[ahl al-kisa]]), and the people of the ordeal ([[mubahala]]) and thus occupies a central place in the pleroma of the immaculate ones, enjoying ontological, initiatory, and eschatological privileges of the same order as those attributed to the Prophet and the imams.

Her name, like those of all the people of the mantle, was derived from a divine name. <ref>al-Fater “the Creator”; Ibn Babuya, 1405/1985, p. 252; No’mani, p. 137; Ibn ʿAyyash, p. 23.</ref> She was present in the light of the fourteen impeccable ones when it was placed in Adam’s loins (solb). It was because of this light that angels were ordered to prostrate themselves before him. <ref>Hasan al-ʿAskari, pp. 219 ff.; Ibn Babuya, 1385/1966, pp. 6, 209; idem, 1405/1985, p. 255.</ref> Among the names God taught to Adam <ref>Koran 2:31-33.</ref> were those of the people of the mantle, including that of Fatima. <ref>Hasan al-ʿAskari, p. 217; Forat, p. 56.</ref>
==Birth==
[[File:Creations reason.jpg|thumbnail|The Reason of Creation by Iranian artist, Hassan Rouholamin. It points out to Prophet Muhammad's hadith about Fatima’s birth. ]]
Her conception and birth were miraculous. Her origin was in a fruit from paradise, often identified as an apple or a date, that Muhammad had eaten during one of his ascensions and that had become “the water of his loins”. <ref>Forat, pp. 75-76; Ibn Babuya, 1385/1966, pp. 183-84.</ref> According to one tradition, this fruit had previously been touched by the sweat and a plume from the wing of the angel Gabriel. <ref>Forat, pp. 321-22.</ref> It was for this reason that the Prophet always said that Fatima was a celestial being in human form (huraʾ ensiya), that she emitted the perfume of paradise, and that she had a name in heaven (usually Mansura). Fatima spoke with her mother while still in the womb. All the most pious women recognized from pre-Islamic religions were present at her birth, namely, Sarah, Asia, Sephora (Safuraʾ), and especially Mary the mother of Jesus. <ref>Ibn Rostam, p. 9; Hussain, pp. 48 ff.</ref> These names are often linked with that of Fatima, and parallels with Mary are particularly frequent, parallels emphasized by Massignon in all his works on Fatima. <ref>cf. Ayoub, 1976, pp. 165 ff.; idem, 1978, s.v.; McAuliffe, 1981.</ref> Yet Fatima’s superiority to other women is always underscored. She is given the epithet “the Great Lady/the Best of Free Women”. <ref>sayyedat/khiarat al-nesaʾ/al-haraʾer; cf. the epithet of the mother of the qaʾem “the Great Lady/the Best of Slave Women [al-emaʾ]; No’mani, pp. 331 ff.; Ibn Quluya, pp. 54, 78, 123-24.</ref> At her birth Fatima pronounced sacred formulas and announced future events; the world was bathed in light. <ref>Ibn Shahrashub, pp. 119 ff.</ref>

==Main Attributes==
[[File:Fatima 4.jpg|thumbnail| Fatima by Iranian master of painting and miniatures, Mahmoud Farshchian ]]
In fact, light and Fatima are always linked: at the anthropogonic stage already mentioned, in Shiʿite commentaries on the Light verse, and at her birth and later in her life, especially when she prayed and meditated. She is said to have been “the source of the light on the horizon,” and it is for that reason that she is called “the Confluence of the Two Lights”, <ref>majmaʿ al-nurayn, i.e., those of exoteric prophecy and of the esoteric imamate; Marandi, pp. 4-19.</ref> and that her most famous epithet was al-Zahra. <ref>Resplendent; Hussain, pp. 46 ff.; Ibn Shahrashub, pp. 106 ff.</ref> Ibn Shahrashub <ref>pp. 133 ff.</ref> listed more than seventy honorary names for Fatima, among which the most common are Maryam Kobra (the supreme Mary), Batul, <ref>lit., “Virgin,” defined by the Prophet as “she who never menstruates”; Ibn Babuya, 1385/1966, p. 181.</ref> and the mysterious Omm Abiha (Mother of her father), which has been variously interpreted.

In addition to light, the life of Fatima was characterized by piety; sadness over the destinies of her relatives and children; courage; obedience to God, her father, and her husband; and initiatory knowledge. <ref>ʿelm; for this translation, see Amir-Moezzi, pp. 174-99; on Fatima’s knowledge, cf. Hasan al-ʿAskari, pp. 221-22; Ibn Babuya, 1404/1984, p, 596; Ibn Shahrashub, pp. 102-4.</ref> She is the guardian of two of the secret and sacred books of the immaculate ones, Ketab Fatima and Moshaf Fatima, which may in fact be only a single book, and two secret tablets, of white pearl and emerald respectively. <ref>Amir-Moezzi, pp. 188-89; Kohlberg, pp. 302-05.</ref> Miracles resulting from her superior nature, piety, and esoteric knowledge are frequently attributed to her. <ref>Ibn Shahrashub, pp. 16 ff.; Borsi, pp. 85-86; Majlesi, pp. 19-81.</ref>

 

==Fatima in Quran==
According to early [[Imami]] writings, the name Fatima is explicitly mentioned in the “integral” Quran, <ref>in 20:115; see Kolayni, p. 283; on the “integral” Koran, see Amir-Moezzi, pp. 200-27.</ref> and early Imami exegetes, finding allusions to Fatima in a number of surahs (chapters), sometimes resorted to rather daring interpretations, for example, identification of the “night of the decree” (laylat al-qadr) or the “holy spirit” (al-ruh al-qods) with the daughter of the Prophet. <ref>Forat, pp. 581-82.</ref> These interpretations differ little in nature from those of “extremist” ([http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/golat Gholat]), some of whom identify her with the cavern of the Seven Sleepers or with the rock of Moses from which water gushes forth.<ref>characterized by Veccia Vaglieri, p. 849, as “deviant”</ref> .
[[File:Fatima 5.jpg|thumbnail| The House of Grief by Hassan Rouholamin. He depicts Ali ibn Abi Talib and his children farewell to Fatima.]]
 

==Fatima in Oriental Studies==
The first substantial biography of Fatima, by Henri Lammens (1912), was mainly based on historical and Sunnite sources. Lammens’ rather antipathetic portrait of her was severely criticized by Louis Massignon, <ref>1969, I, pp. 570, 585 ff.</ref> who preferred to portray her both as an incarnation of divine vengeance <ref>1969, I, pp. 514-22, a study of Fatima’s cult based on Nosayri Shiʿite texts mainly from Syria.</ref> and especially as a compassionate mother akin to the Virgin Mary. <ref>Massignon, 1969, I, pp. 550-618; for parallels among Fatima, Moses’ sister Maryam, and Jesus’ mother, Maryam, see p. 584; idem, 1963, p. 267.</ref> Henri Corbin took up Massignon’s study of Fatima, but with particular stress on redemption; unlike Massignon’s “transhistorical” approach, his method was rooted in gnostic theosophy. While accepting the main parallels between Fatima and Mary, he focused on her role as eternal feminine archetype, Fatima as Sophia, a manifestation of God and the feminine element of the Prophet and the Imams, whose own theophanic and initiatory functions depended on their degree of fatemiya. <ref>1960, p. 113 ff.; 1971-72, index.</ref> Massignon’s original exposition of similarities between devotion to Mary and to Fatima, sometimes called Maryam Kobra, has been criticized, however; <ref>McAuliffe, 1981, pp. 27-28.</ref> the similarities remain partly conjectural, especially those involving the Marian cult at Fatima, Portugal. <ref>Massignon, I, pp. 615 ff.; Eilers, p. 98.</ref>

Corbin also drew parallels between Fatima and pre-Islamic Persian feminine archetypes embodied in Arədvi Sura Anahita. This connection was further stressed by Wilhelm Eilers in his study of Shiʿite holy water, heavenly and earthly waters having been part of Fatima’s dowry (mahr/mahriya), as was salt. <ref>Eilers, pp. 97 ff.; Massé, Croyances et coutumes, p. 225.</ref> In popular belief Fatima has been linked with archetypes and natural elements connected to fertility rites: khezr/Elias, the rainbow, the jasmine flower, and the pomegranate. <ref>Massé, Croyances et coutumes, pp. 158 n. 2, 179, 212; Ayoub, 1978, p. 45.</ref> She is also said to symbolize the cavern of the seven sleepers of Ephesus and the [https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-3/al-aqsa-mosque-COM_22686?s.num=21&s.start=20 Masjed al-Aqsa], the goal of Muhammad’s night journey.

==Fatima in Popular Culture==
Esoteric or popular beliefs about Fatima, often connected with episodes in her hagiography, constitute the basis of several feasts and pilgrimages ([[ziara]]). The most important of the former are commemorations of the ordeal ([[mubahala]]) witnessed by the ahl al-ʿabaʾ, who are thus recognized as legitimate leaders of the community, celebrated on 21 Dhu’l-hejja; <ref>Schmucker; Massignon, 1969, I, pp. 550-91.</ref> Then there is Fatima’s birth (mawludiya) on 21 Ramadan, with a secondary celebration on 15 Shaʿban (which also commemorates the birth of the Mahdi Fatemi; the laylat al-baraʿa; the death of Salman); then her death on 3 Jomada II, with a secondary celebration on 2 Ramadan; of her figure as al-Masjed al-Aqsa, on 27 Rajab, commemorating Muhammad’s meʿraj. <ref>Massignon, 1969, I, pp. 576-77.</ref> Specific ziarat are made for Fatima at Medina. <ref>Massignon, 1969, III, pp. 295 ff.</ref> In private [[Rawza-Khani|rawza-khani]] (recitation of the [[martyrdom]] of Hussain) assemblies held by Persian women at any time of year, the most popular story is of Fatima’s invitation to a wedding, where she converts those present. <ref>ʿarusi-e Qoraysh; Massignon, 1969, I, p. 580.</ref> Special offerings are dedicated to Fatima: small pots (digcha-ye hazrat-e Zahra) on the last Wednesday of Safar and samanu, a kind of pudding reputed to have been her favorite dish. <ref>Shakurzada, pp. 26-27, 46 ff., 83; Massé, Croyances et coutumes, p. 47 n. 2.</ref> On the last Wednesday of the solar year [http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/caharsanba-suri chaharshanba suri] some families used to break and replace their earthenware pots in her honor. <ref>Massé, Croyances et coutumes, p. 146 n. 2.</ref> Offerings and thanks are dedicated to Fatima as an intercessor on various occasions and in various sanctuaries throughout the Islamic world. She is especially invoked by Shiʿite women during childbirth. <ref>Massignon, 1969, III, p. 296.</ref>

Popular devotion finds its utmost expression in representations of redemptive suffering focused on the [[Karbala]] paradigm. As mistress of the bayt al-ahzan (house of sorrows) and the Day of Judgment, <ref>Ayoub, 1978, pp. 48 ff., 212 ff.</ref> Fatima is present in most rituals as an “icon”: She wears a crown for Muhammad, a necklace or sword for ʿAli, and earrings of diamonds and rubies for Hasan and Hussain. <ref>Massignon, 1969, I, pp. 517, 568, 583, 612; Kashefi, p. 67; Calmard, p. 416; Ayoub, pp. 213-14.</ref> Hussain’s daughter Fatima Kobra, who allegedly married her cousin [[Qasim b. al-Hasan|Qasim b. Hasan]] at Karbala, and the sickly [[Fatima Soghra]], who remained in Medina, were both named after her. <ref>Kashefi, pp. 24, 391 ff.; Calmard, pp. 390, 393, 401.</ref> Banners ([[Alam|ʿAlam]]) related to Fatima are carried in [[Muharram]] processions. The 17th-century traveler Adam Olearius mentioned having seen at Ardabil a miraculous ʿalam allegedly made by her daughter. <ref>Massé, Croyances et coutumes, p. 131.</ref> The large Bibi ka ʿalam, made of gold (with pendant diamonds on each side symbolizing earrings), is carried on an elephant in Ashura processions at Hyderabad, Deccan, and is venerated by both Sunnites and Shiʿites. <ref>Hollister, p. 169; Pinault, pp. 158-59.</ref> The symbol of the open hand of Fatima (cf. the hand of God among Jews, of Mary among Christians) is widespread in Sunnite areas, <ref>Kriss and Kriss-Heinrich, I, p. 23, II, pp. 2 ff., with illustrations and references to Venus and Babylonian cults.</ref> but among Shiʿites the open hand (panja) represents that of Hazrat-e [[ʿAbbas b. ʿAli]] (q.v.), severed at Karbala. <ref>Massé, Croyances et coutumes, p. 27 n. 1; Eilers, p. 111 n. 7.</ref> Rawza-khanis and other liturgies and rituals connected with Fatima also found their way into passion plays ([[taʿzia]]; see bibliography).

Beside Fatima’s name and variants, popular for Muslim girls, her epithets Zahra, Tahera, Zakiya, Raziya, Razia, Batul (virgin), Kaniz (maiden), and the like are also given as names, as are various diminutives: Fatayma/Fotaytom/Fattush, Foti/Foto in India. <ref>Schimmel, pp. 44, 69 ff.; on other names, see Veccia Vaglieri in EI2 II, pp. 847-48.</ref> Her name is sometimes given to girls born on Friday night. <ref>Schimmel, p. 23 n. 41.</ref> Fatima as “sovereign of feminine humanity” <ref>Corbin, 1960, pp. 115 ff.; idem, 1971-72, IV, p. 314.</ref> has been variously appreciated in recent history. Fatima has been idealized as a symbol of feminine excellence, a model of submission both to the will of God and her husband <ref>Meer Hassan Ali, p. 97.</ref> and authenticity and liberation for all women ([[Shariʿati]]).
==References==
{{reflist|30em}}
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*J. Calmard, “Le culte de l’Imām Ḥusayn,” Ph.D. diss., University of Paris, 1975.
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*J. D. McAuliffe, “Chosen of All Women. Mary and Fāṭimah in Qurʾānic Exegesis,” Islamochristiana 7, 1981, pp. 19-28.
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*L. Massignon, “Les origines de la méditation shiʿite sur Salmân et Fâṭima,” in Mélanges Henri Massé, Tehran, 1963, pp. 264-68.
*Idem, Opera Minora, ed. Y. Moubarak, 3 vols., Paris, 1969.
*Mrs. Meer Hassan Ali, Observations on the Mussulmauns of India, London, 1832; repr. Oxford, 1972.
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*E. Šakurzāda, ʿAqāyed wa rosūm-e ʿāmma-ye mardom-e Ḵorāsān, Tehran, 1346 Š./1967.
*A. Šarīʿatī, Fatima, Fatima ast, Tehran, 1356 Š./1977; tr. L. Bakhtiar, Tehran, 1981.
*A. Schimmel, Islamic Names, Edinburgh, 1989.
*W. Schmucker, “Mubāhala,” in EI2 VII, pp. 276-77.
*L. Veccia Vaglieri, “Fadak,” EI2 II, pp. 725-27.
*Idem, “Fāṭima,” in EI2 II, pp. 841-50.
*Hussain Wāʿeẓ Kāšefī, Rawżat al-šohadāʾ, ed. M. Ramażānī, Tehran, 1341 Š./1962.
*A. J. Wensinck, A Handbook of Early Muhammadan Tradition, Leiden, 1927.
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*Yaʿqūbī, Taʾrīḵ II, pp. 19, 35, 42, 91, 128-29, 141-42.
*Taʿzīa literature. V. Cremonesi, tr., Uzurpazione di Fadak, Morte di Fatima, ʿUmar e Abu Bakr chiedono scusa, Naples, 1964 (three Cerulli MSS.).
*Ḡaṣb-e bāḡ-e Fadak, ed. Z. Eqbāl and M. J. Maḥjūb as Jong-e šehādat, Tehran, 1355 Š./1976 (ed. of MS. Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, pers. 993), tr. A. Chodźko as “Le jardin de Fathema,” in Le théâtre persan, Paris, 1878.
*W. Litten, Das Drama in Persien, Berlin and Leipzig, 1929, no. 9 (Fatima’s marriage).
*L. Pelly, The Miracle Play of Hasan and Husain, 2 vols., London, 1879 (Vol. I, Scene vi, “The Seizure of the Khalifate by Abu Bakr”; Scene vii, “The Death of Fatimah” in English tr. only).
*E. Rossi and A. Bombaci, Elenco di drammi religiosi persiani (fondo MSS. Vaticano Cerulli), Vatican City, 1961 (see esp. pp. 351-52, with index of themes connected with Fadak, ʿarūsī-e Qorayš, Karbala, death, etc., in the Cerulli, Chodźko, Pelly, and Moscow collections of taʿzīa plays).
*Untitled MSS., Moscow, Kryzenski collection (see Rossi and Bombaci, pp. xvi, xxi, nos. 1 and 2, Death of Fatima).
*Untitled MSS., Tehran, Ketāb-ḵāna-ye Malek (three plays on the death of Fatima). Wafāt-e Ḥażrat-e Fatima, MS. Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, pers. 993, Chodźko no. 4.
*Specific prayers to Fatima. A. Monzawī, Fehrest nosḵahā-ye ḵaṭṭī-e Ketāb-ḵāna-ye Ganjbaḵš IV, p. 2364 no. 6702.
*ʿA. Qomī, Mafātīḥ al-jenān, ed. M.–Ḥ. ʿElmī, Tehran, 1340 Š./1961 (doʿās to Fatima in Arabic with Persian translations, pp. 113, 601-2, 632-33, 660).

==Source==

*[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/fatema Encyclopaedia Iranica]
*Veccia Vaglieri, L. (2007). “Fāṭima”, in: Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, Edited by: P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, W.P. Heinrichs.

[[Category: Individuals]]
[[Category: Ahl-e Kisa]]
[[Category:The Fourteen Infallibles]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[Category:Ahl al-Bayt]]

Fatima

2021-05-25T11:46:31Z

Heydari:

{{infobox person
| name = Fatima
| native_name = فاطمه
| image =
| known_for =
| birth_date = 15–5 BH (605–615 AD)
| birth_place =Mecca
| father = Muhammad b. Abd Allah
| mother = Khadija bint Khuwaylid
| relatives = Qasim ibn Muhammad (brother), Zainab bint Muhammad (sister), Ruqayyah bint Muhammad (sister), Umm Kulthum bint Muhammad (sister), Ibrahim ibn Muhammad (brother)
| spouse = Ali ibn Abi Talib
| children = Hasan ibn Ali, Hussain ibn Ali, Muhsin ibn Ali (unborn), Zaynab bint Ali, Umm Kulthum bint Ali
| death_date = 3 Jumada al-Thani 11 AH (18 August 632)
| death_place = Medina
| resting_place =
}}
[[File:Fatimaa.png|thumbnail|Arabic calligraphy of Fatima, Prophet Muhammad's daughter]]
'''Fatima,''' (d. 11 AH/632 AD), daughter of [[Muhammad]] and [[Khadija]], wife of [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|ʿAli b. Abi Talib]], mother of [[Hasan B. ʿAli B. Abi Taleb|al-Hasan]] and [[Hussain ibn Ali|al-Hussain]], was the only one of the Prophet’s daughters to enjoy great renown. She became the object of great veneration by all Muslims. This may be because she lived closest to her father, lived longest, and gave him numerous descendants, who spread throughout the Muslim world. <ref>Veccia Vaglieri, L. (2007). “Fāṭima”, in: Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, Edited by: P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, W.P. Heinrichs.</ref> She is also one of [[the People of Cloak]] and, in Twelver Shi’ite belief, one of the [[fourteen Infallibles]]. She was the only lady chosen by the Prophet Muhammad to be part of [[Mubahala]] with the Christian of Najran. In contrast to the rich hagiographic material on Fatima, purely historical information, reported particularly in Sunni sources, is rare and usually involves only insignificant episodes.
==Biography==
[[File:Fatima's House.jpg|thumbnail|A rarely seen picture of Fatima's house in Medina,1982]]
Fatima was probably the youngest daughter of [[Muhammad]] and his first wife, [[Khadija]], the only daughter to live long enough to bear numerous offsprings. Her date of birth is variously given as between five years before and two years after the beginning of the Prophet’s mission. <ref>Lammens, pp. 8-14.</ref> She was particularly close to her father and is said to have followed him to Medina shortly after his emigration (hejra). Although there is disagreement over details, she became the wife of the Imam [[ʿAli ibn Abi Talib|Ali b. Abi Taleb]] probably in 2/623-24. Muhammad arranged this marriage in obedience to divine will, having already rejected requests for her hand by Abu Bakr, ʿOmar, and probably the very wealthy ʿAbd-al-Rahman b. ʿAwf. <ref>Ibn Saʿd, pp. 11-20; Ibn Rostam, p. 12.</ref>

Before the occupation of the prosperous oasis of Khaybar ʿAli and Fatima were poor. As long as she lived Fatima was ʿAli’s only wife and bore him five children: [[Hasan]], [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain]], Muhassen (or Muhsen, dead at very young age), Omm Kulthum, and [[Zaynab]]. She was apparently much affected by her father’s death and died of illness in Medina a few months later, in 11/633. Reports on her death, her burial, and the exact place of her grave are contradictory. <ref>Yaʿqūbī, Taʾrīḵ II, pp. 128-30; Tabari, III, pp. 2436 ff.; Masʿūdī, Morūj VI, p. 165.</ref> Today three sites in Medina are visited as her burial place.

==Political Involvement==
She seems to have performed only three acts of political significance, each recorded in almost all sources, both [[Sunni]] and [[Shiʿa|Shiʿite]], though in different versions. First, after the conquest of Mecca she refused her protection to [[Abu Sufyan]]; second, after the death of the Prophet she courageously defended ʿAli’s cause, fiercely opposed the election of Abu Bakr, and had violent disputes with him and particularly with ʿOmar; third, she laid claim to the property rights of her father and challenged Abu Bakr’s categorical refusal to cede them, particularly Fadak and a share in the produce of Khaybar.
==Hagiography==
Hagiographical material on Fatima is much more ample. Whereas Sunni authors emphasized her perfectly “orthodox” virtues, in particular her rank as the daughter of the Prophet, her ascetic life, and her exemplary piety, <ref>Abu’l-Nasr, pp. 72 ff.</ref> [[Twelver Shiʿite]] hagiographers depicted her as a figure of cosmic significance, though early reports, as well as traditions attributed to her, are much scantier than those related to the other thirteen immaculate ones (maʿsum). Fatima was counted among the Prophet’s house ([[ahl al-bayt]]), the five people of the mantle ([[ahl al-kisa]]), and the people of the ordeal ([[mubahala]]) and thus occupies a central place in the pleroma of the immaculate ones, enjoying ontological, initiatory, and eschatological privileges of the same order as those attributed to the Prophet and the imams.

Her luminous pre-existential entity, issuing from the divine light thousands of years before the creation of the world, devoted itself to the praise of God while circumambulating the divine throne. <ref>Ibn Babuya, 1385/1966 pp. 135 ff.; Khazzaz, pp. 110-11, 169-70.</ref> Her name, like those of all the people of the mantle, was derived from a divine name. <ref>al-Fater “the Creator”; Ibn Babuya, 1405/1985, p. 252; No’mani, p. 137; Ibn ʿAyyash, p. 23.</ref> She was present in the light of the fourteen impeccable ones when it was placed in Adam’s loins (solb). It was because of this light that angels were ordered to prostrate themselves before him. <ref>Hasan al-ʿAskari, pp. 219 ff.; Ibn Babuya, 1385/1966, pp. 6, 209; idem, 1405/1985, p. 255.</ref> Among the names God taught to Adam <ref>Koran 2:31-33.</ref> were those of the people of the mantle, including that of Fatima. <ref>Hasan al-ʿAskari, p. 217; Forat, p. 56.</ref>
==Birth==
[[File:Creations reason.jpg|thumbnail|The Reason of Creation by Iranian artist, Hassan Rouholamin. It points out to Prophet Muhammad's hadith about Fatima’s birth. ]]
Her conception and birth were miraculous. Her origin was in a fruit from paradise, often identified as an apple or a date, that Muhammad had eaten during one of his ascensions and that had become “the water of his loins”. <ref>Forat, pp. 75-76; Ibn Babuya, 1385/1966, pp. 183-84.</ref> According to one tradition, this fruit had previously been touched by the sweat and a plume from the wing of the angel Gabriel. <ref>Forat, pp. 321-22.</ref> It was for this reason that the Prophet always said that Fatima was a celestial being in human form (huraʾ ensiya), that she emitted the perfume of paradise, and that she had a name in heaven (usually Mansura). Fatima spoke with her mother while still in the womb. All the most pious women recognized from pre-Islamic religions were present at her birth, namely, Sarah, Asia, Sephora (Safuraʾ), and especially Mary the mother of Jesus. <ref>Ibn Rostam, p. 9; Hussain, pp. 48 ff.</ref> These names are often linked with that of Fatima, and parallels with Mary are particularly frequent, parallels emphasized by Massignon in all his works on Fatima. <ref>cf. Ayoub, 1976, pp. 165 ff.; idem, 1978, s.v.; McAuliffe, 1981.</ref> Yet Fatima’s superiority to other women is always underscored. She is given the epithet “the Great Lady/the Best of Free Women”. <ref>sayyedat/khiarat al-nesaʾ/al-haraʾer; cf. the epithet of the mother of the qaʾem “the Great Lady/the Best of Slave Women [al-emaʾ]; No’mani, pp. 331 ff.; Ibn Quluya, pp. 54, 78, 123-24.</ref> At her birth Fatima pronounced sacred formulas and announced future events; the world was bathed in light. <ref>Ibn Shahrashub, pp. 119 ff.</ref>

==Main Attributes==
[[File:Fatima 4.jpg|thumbnail| Fatima by Iranian master of painting and miniatures, Mahmoud Farshchian ]]
In fact, light and Fatima are always linked: at the anthropogonic stage already mentioned, in Shiʿite commentaries on the Light verse, and at her birth and later in her life, especially when she prayed and meditated. She is said to have been “the source of the light on the horizon,” and it is for that reason that she is called “the Confluence of the Two Lights”, <ref>majmaʿ al-nurayn, i.e., those of exoteric prophecy and of the esoteric imamate; Marandi, pp. 4-19.</ref> and that her most famous epithet was al-Zahra. <ref>Resplendent; Hussain, pp. 46 ff.; Ibn Shahrashub, pp. 106 ff.</ref> Ibn Shahrashub <ref>pp. 133 ff.</ref> listed more than seventy honorary names for Fatima, among which the most common are Maryam Kobra (the supreme Mary), Batul, <ref>lit., “Virgin,” defined by the Prophet as “she who never menstruates”; Ibn Babuya, 1385/1966, p. 181.</ref> and the mysterious Omm Abiha (Mother of her father), which has been variously interpreted.

In addition to light, the life of Fatima was characterized by piety; sadness over the destinies of her relatives and children; courage; obedience to God, her father, and her husband; and initiatory knowledge. <ref>ʿelm; for this translation, see Amir-Moezzi, pp. 174-99; on Fatima’s knowledge, cf. Hasan al-ʿAskari, pp. 221-22; Ibn Babuya, 1404/1984, p, 596; Ibn Shahrashub, pp. 102-4.</ref> She is the guardian of two of the secret and sacred books of the immaculate ones, Ketab Fatima and Moshaf Fatima, which may in fact be only a single book, and two secret tablets, of white pearl and emerald respectively. <ref>Amir-Moezzi, pp. 188-89; Kohlberg, pp. 302-05.</ref> Miracles resulting from her superior nature, piety, and esoteric knowledge are frequently attributed to her. <ref>Ibn Shahrashub, pp. 16 ff.; Borsi, pp. 85-86; Majlesi, pp. 19-81.</ref>

Other salient points in the hagiography of Fatima have been brought together by Veccia Vaglieri: her betrothal and marriage to ʿAli, raised to the level of cosmic events; her glorious resurrection on the Day of Judgment; her complaint to God about the injustices wreaked by the community on her kinsmen and followers; her intervention in favor of the Shiʿites; and her hagiography as it developed in other branches of Shiʿism, specifically the Bateniya.

==Fatima in Quran==
According to early [[Imami]] writings, the name Fatima is explicitly mentioned in the “integral” Quran, <ref>in 20:115; see Kolayni, p. 283; on the “integral” Koran, see Amir-Moezzi, pp. 200-27.</ref> and early Imami exegetes, finding allusions to Fatima in a number of suras, sometimes resorted to rather daring interpretations, for example, identification of the “night of the decree” (laylat al-qadr) or the “holy spirit” (al-ruh al-qods) with the daughter of the Prophet. <ref>Forat, pp. 581-82.</ref> These interpretations differ little in nature from those of “extremist” ([http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/golat Gholat]), some of whom identify her with the cavern of the Seven Sleepers or with the rock of Moses from which water gushes forth.<ref>characterized by Veccia Vaglieri, p. 849, as “deviant”</ref> The distinction between early esoteric Imamism and the Shiʿism considered “extremist” must be made with great care. <ref>Amir-Moezzi, pp. 313-16.</ref>
==Folklore and Popular Devotion==
[[File:Fatima 5.jpg|thumbnail| The House of Grief by Hassan Rouholamin. He depicts Ali ibn Abi Talib and his children farewell to Fatima.]]
Although little historical information on Fatima is available, her importance in myth and devotion is considerable throughout the Islamic world. Anecdotes, wonders, and miracles related to her birth, betrothal, wedding, virginity, pregnancy, motherhood, and powers have been elaborated. Interpretation of the Quranic phrase “people of the (Prophet’s) house” ([[ahl al-bayt]]) as “family of the cloak” (al-e ʿaba) and cosmological notions of primordial light have greatly influenced her image in popular religion. Her blood relationship with the Prophet; the charisma associated with her husband, ʿAli, and their sons Hasan and Hussain, the only male perpetuators of Muhammad’s line; and her role as transmitter of traditions added to her importance for all Muslims. It was, however, mainly through Shiʿite devotion, whether moderate (partly shared by Sunnites) or extreme, that she became the foremost female figure in Islamic thought and piety. Popular veneration of Fatima thus remains closely linked to hagiographic, esoteric, and philosophical interpretations.

==Fatima in Oriental Studies==
The first substantial biography of Fatima, by Henri Lammens (1912), was mainly based on historical and Sunnite sources. Lammens’ rather antipathetic portrait of her was severely criticized by Louis Massignon, <ref>1969, I, pp. 570, 585 ff.</ref> who preferred to portray her both as an incarnation of divine vengeance <ref>1969, I, pp. 514-22, a study of Fatima’s cult based on Nosayri Shiʿite texts mainly from Syria.</ref> and especially as a compassionate mother akin to the Virgin Mary. <ref>Massignon, 1969, I, pp. 550-618; for parallels among Fatima, Moses’ sister Maryam, and Jesus’ mother, Maryam, see p. 584; idem, 1963, p. 267.</ref> Henri Corbin took up Massignon’s study of Fatima, but with particular stress on redemption; unlike Massignon’s “transhistorical” approach, his method was rooted in gnostic theosophy. While accepting the main parallels between Fatima and Mary, he focused on her role as eternal feminine archetype, Fatima as Sophia, a manifestation of God and the feminine element of the Prophet and the Imams, whose own theophanic and initiatory functions depended on their degree of fatemiya. <ref>1960, p. 113 ff.; 1971-72, index.</ref> Massignon’s original exposition of similarities between devotion to Mary and to Fatima, sometimes called Maryam Kobra, has been criticized, however; <ref>McAuliffe, 1981, pp. 27-28.</ref> the similarities remain partly conjectural, especially those involving the Marian cult at Fatima, Portugal. <ref>Massignon, I, pp. 615 ff.; Eilers, p. 98.</ref>

Corbin also drew parallels between Fatima and pre-Islamic Persian feminine archetypes embodied in Arədvi Sura Anahita. This connection was further stressed by Wilhelm Eilers in his study of Shiʿite holy water, heavenly and earthly waters having been part of Fatima’s dowry (mahr/mahriya), as was salt. <ref>Eilers, pp. 97 ff.; Massé, Croyances et coutumes, p. 225.</ref> In popular belief Fatima has been linked with archetypes and natural elements connected to fertility rites: khezr/Elias, the rainbow, the jasmine flower, and the pomegranate. <ref>Massé, Croyances et coutumes, pp. 158 n. 2, 179, 212; Ayoub, 1978, p. 45.</ref> She is also said to symbolize the cavern of the seven sleepers of Ephesus and the [https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-3/al-aqsa-mosque-COM_22686?s.num=21&s.start=20 Masjed al-Aqsa], the goal of Muhammad’s night journey.

==Fatima in Popular Culture==
Esoteric or popular beliefs about Fatima, often connected with episodes in her hagiography, constitute the basis of several feasts and pilgrimages ([[ziara]]). The most important of the former are commemorations of the ordeal ([[mubahala]]) witnessed by the ahl al-ʿabaʾ, who are thus recognized as legitimate leaders of the community, celebrated on 21 Dhu’l-hejja; <ref>Schmucker; Massignon, 1969, I, pp. 550-91.</ref> of Fatima’s birth (mawludiya) on 21 Ramadan, with a secondary celebration on 15 Shaʿban (which also commemorates the birth of the Mahdi Fatemi; the laylat al-baraʿa; the death of Salman); of her death on 3 Jomada II, with a secondary celebration on 2 Ramadan; of her figure as al-Masjed al-Aqsa, on 27 Rajab, commemorating Muhammad’s meʿraj. <ref>Massignon, 1969, I, pp. 576-77.</ref> Specific ziarat are made for Fatima at Medina. <ref>Massignon, 1969, III, pp. 295 ff.</ref> In private [[Rawza-Khani|rawza-khani]] (recitation of the [[martyrdom]] of Hussain) assemblies held by Persian women at any time of year, the most popular story is of Fatima’s invitation to a wedding, where she converts those present. <ref>ʿarusi-e Qoraysh; Massignon, 1969, I, p. 580.</ref> Special offerings are dedicated to Fatima: small pots (digcha-ye hazrat-e Zahra) on the last Wednesday of Safar and samanu, a kind of pudding reputed to have been her favorite dish. <ref>Shakurzada, pp. 26-27, 46 ff., 83; Massé, Croyances et coutumes, p. 47 n. 2.</ref> On the last Wednesday of the solar year [http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/caharsanba-suri chaharshanba suri] some families used to break and replace their earthenware pots in her honor. <ref>Massé, Croyances et coutumes, p. 146 n. 2.</ref> Offerings and thanks are dedicated to Fatima as an intercessor on various occasions and in various sanctuaries throughout the Islamic world. She is especially invoked by Shiʿite women during childbirth. <ref>Massignon, 1969, III, p. 296.</ref>

Popular devotion finds its utmost expression in representations of redemptive suffering focused on the [[Karbala]] paradigm. As mistress of the bayt al-ahzan (house of sorrows) and the Day of Judgment, <ref>Ayoub, 1978, pp. 48 ff., 212 ff.</ref> Fatima is present in most rituals as an “icon”: She wears a crown for Muhammad, a necklace or sword for ʿAli, and earrings of diamonds and rubies for Hasan and Hussain. <ref>Massignon, 1969, I, pp. 517, 568, 583, 612; Kashefi, p. 67; Calmard, p. 416; Ayoub, pp. 213-14.</ref> Hussain’s daughters Fatima Kobra, who allegedly married her cousin [[Qasim b. al-Hasan|Qasim b. Hasan]] at Karbala, and the sickly [[Fatima Soghra]], who remained in Medina, were both named after her. <ref>Kashefi, pp. 24, 391 ff.; Calmard, pp. 390, 393, 401.</ref> Banners ([[Alam|ʿAlam]]) related to Fatima are carried in [[Muharram]] processions. The 17th-century traveler Adam Olearius mentioned having seen at Ardabil a miraculous ʿalam allegedly made by her daughter. <ref>Massé, Croyances et coutumes, p. 131.</ref> The large Bibi ka ʿalam, made of gold (with pendant diamonds on each side symbolizing earrings), is carried on an elephant in Ashura processions at Hyderabad, Deccan, and is venerated by both Sunnites and Shiʿites. <ref>Hollister, p. 169; Pinault, pp. 158-59.</ref> The symbol of the open hand of Fatima (cf. the hand of God among Jews, of Mary among Christians) is widespread in Sunnite areas, <ref>Kriss and Kriss-Heinrich, I, p. 23, II, pp. 2 ff., with illustrations and references to Venus and Babylonian cults.</ref> but among Shiʿites the open hand (panja) represents that of Hazrat-e [[ʿAbbas b. ʿAli]] (q.v.), severed at Karbala. <ref>Massé, Croyances et coutumes, p. 27 n. 1; Eilers, p. 111 n. 7.</ref> Rawza-khanis and other liturgies and rituals connected with Fatima also found their way into passion plays ([[taʿzia]]; see bibliography).

Beside Fatima’s name and variants, popular for Muslim girls, her epithets Zahra, Tahera, Zakiya, Raziya, Razia, Batul (virgin), Kaniz (maiden), and the like are also given as names, as are various diminutives: Fatayma/Fotaytom/Fattush, Foti/Foto in India. <ref>Schimmel, pp. 44, 69 ff.; on other names, see Veccia Vaglieri in EI2 II, pp. 847-48.</ref> Her name is sometimes given to girls born on Friday night. <ref>Schimmel, p. 23 n. 41.</ref> Fatima as “sovereign of feminine humanity” <ref>Corbin, 1960, pp. 115 ff.; idem, 1971-72, IV, p. 314.</ref> has been variously appreciated in recent history. Fatima has been idealized as a symbol of feminine excellence, a model of submission both to the will of God and her husband <ref>Meer Hassan Ali, p. 97.</ref> and authenticity and liberation for all women ([[Shariʿati]]).
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{{reflist|30em}}
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*Hussain Wāʿeẓ Kāšefī, Rawżat al-šohadāʾ, ed. M. Ramażānī, Tehran, 1341 Š./1962.
*A. J. Wensinck, A Handbook of Early Muhammadan Tradition, Leiden, 1927.
*Idem, Concordances et indices de la tradition musulmane, 8 vols., Leiden, 1933-65.
*Yaʿqūbī, Taʾrīḵ II, pp. 19, 35, 42, 91, 128-29, 141-42.
*Taʿzīa literature. V. Cremonesi, tr., Uzurpazione di Fadak, Morte di Fatima, ʿUmar e Abu Bakr chiedono scusa, Naples, 1964 (three Cerulli MSS.).
*Ḡaṣb-e bāḡ-e Fadak, ed. Z. Eqbāl and M. J. Maḥjūb as Jong-e šehādat, Tehran, 1355 Š./1976 (ed. of MS. Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, pers. 993), tr. A. Chodźko as “Le jardin de Fathema,” in Le théâtre persan, Paris, 1878.
*W. Litten, Das Drama in Persien, Berlin and Leipzig, 1929, no. 9 (Fatima’s marriage).
*L. Pelly, The Miracle Play of Hasan and Husain, 2 vols., London, 1879 (Vol. I, Scene vi, “The Seizure of the Khalifate by Abu Bakr”; Scene vii, “The Death of Fatimah” in English tr. only).
*E. Rossi and A. Bombaci, Elenco di drammi religiosi persiani (fondo MSS. Vaticano Cerulli), Vatican City, 1961 (see esp. pp. 351-52, with index of themes connected with Fadak, ʿarūsī-e Qorayš, Karbala, death, etc., in the Cerulli, Chodźko, Pelly, and Moscow collections of taʿzīa plays).
*Untitled MSS., Moscow, Kryzenski collection (see Rossi and Bombaci, pp. xvi, xxi, nos. 1 and 2, Death of Fatima).
*Untitled MSS., Tehran, Ketāb-ḵāna-ye Malek (three plays on the death of Fatima). Wafāt-e Ḥażrat-e Fatima, MS. Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, pers. 993, Chodźko no. 4.
*Specific prayers to Fatima. A. Monzawī, Fehrest nosḵahā-ye ḵaṭṭī-e Ketāb-ḵāna-ye Ganjbaḵš IV, p. 2364 no. 6702.
*ʿA. Qomī, Mafātīḥ al-jenān, ed. M.–Ḥ. ʿElmī, Tehran, 1340 Š./1961 (doʿās to Fatima in Arabic with Persian translations, pp. 113, 601-2, 632-33, 660).

==Source==

*[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/fatema Encyclopaedia Iranica]
*Veccia Vaglieri, L. (2007). “Fāṭima”, in: Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, Edited by: P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, W.P. Heinrichs.

[[Category: Individuals]]
[[Category: Ahl-e Kisa]]
[[Category:The Fourteen Infallibles]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[Category:Ahl al-Bayt]]

Caliphate

2021-05-25T11:23:53Z

Heydari:

'''Caliphate''' (Arabic: خِلافَة) denotes the political-religious headship of the Muslim community. The term ''khalifa''—which is used in the Quran with reference to Adam (2:30) and David (38:26), besides seven other occurrences in the plural—is understood in Sunni juristic theory as the successor of the prophet [[Muhammad]].

The position of the caliph is the most central of all political institutions in the history of classical Islam, and issues pertaining to the legitimacy of those occupying this office, the scope of its powers, and the theoretical and practical accommodations forced upon it during the course of its long career are central to the political and religious history of Islam.

==In Sunnism==
Sunni Muslims believe that Muhammad did not appoint anyone to succeed him on his death. According to this view, which has also been generally adopted by modern scholars of early Islamic history, a number of the companions of Muhammad congregated in Medina immediately after his death to deliberate on the question of his succession. At this meeting, Abu Bakr, a member of Muhammad’s tribe of Quraysh and one of the most influential of his companions, was elected as the first caliph.

==In Shi’ism==
The succession was soon recognized by the other companions, including [[Ali ibn Abi Talib|Ali]], the initially recalcitrant cousin and son-in-law of Muhammad, who was later to become the focus of the legitimist claims of the [[Shiʿa|Shi’a]]. The latter’s view of Muhammad’s succession is squarely at odds with that of the Sunnis. To them, Muhammad had, in fact, designated a successor in the person of Ali, and most of the companions of the Prophet were culpable for subverting this explicit testament, as indeed were the successors of the first generation Muslims for their continued denial of the claims of Ali’s descendants, the [[imam]]<nowiki/>s, to the political and religious headship of Islam.

==History of the Institution==

===Rashidun Caliphs===
The caliphate of Abu Bakr (632–634), which signified the continuation of the polity that Muhammad had founded in

Medina, was challenged by a number of tribes in the Arabian Peninsula. They had acknowledged Muhammad’s authority by embracing Islam and sending tribute to Medina, but several of them now refused to continue their tributary status, and some renounced allegiance to the new faith as well. Abu Bakr’s first challenge was to subdue these rebellious tribes to secure the future of the nascent caliphate. The armies he sent against them did not stop at reasserting Medina’s authority, however, but embarked on an extraordinarily daring path of conquests outside the Arabian Peninsula. Muhammad had already led campaigns in the Syrian desert, and Muslim armies now began operations simultaneously in the Byzantine territories of Syria and Palestine and in the Sassanian territories. The degree to which the conquest of the Byzantine and Sassanian territories was the result of careful planning or coordination from Medina is uncertain; yet by the time Abu Bakr died (634), two years after the death of Muhammad, the early Islamic state was already on its way to becoming a major world empire.

The beginnings of the administrative organization of the caliphate are credited to Abu Bakr’s immediate successor, Umar ibn al-Khattab (r. 634–644). He created a military register (''diwan'') for the payment of the troops and for the disbursement of pensions to other members of the Muslim community. It was in his reign that the first garrison towns were established in the conquered lands, a system of taxation was put in place, and efforts were made to minimize the social and economic disruptions inherent in this rapid conquest. Yet it was not just the conquered people but also the new conquerors who had to cope with the changes set in motion by the expansion of the Medinan state. Entire tribes came to settle in the newly acquired territories, and, quite apart from such rivalries as they may have brought with them from their earlier environs, new grievances and conflicts were provoked by the competing claims of those who had converted to Islam early or late (which determined the share of one’s stipends), by the unfamiliar demands of the nascent state on its subjects, and by the conduct and policies of the caliph or his agents.

Such resentments came to the surface in the reign of ‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan (r. 644–656), the third Caliph, who was eventually murdered in Medina by disaffected Arab tribesmen from the garrisons of [[Kufa]], Basra, and Egypt. The murder of ‘Uthman inaugurated the series of bitter conflicts within the Muslim community that are collectively known as the ''fitna''—a highly evocative term suggesting a time of temptation and trial, dissension, and chaos. This civil war, Islam’s first, was to continue throughout the reign of ‘Uthman’s successor, ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib (r. 656–661), and it ended only with the latter’s assassination and the rise of the Umayyad dynasty (r. 661–750). The events of these years were debated by Muslims for centuries: It is to these events that later Muslims looked in explaining and arguing over their sectarian divisions, some of which were to prove permanent. Even in later centuries, it was never easy to explain how the first community of believers, formed by the Prophet’s own guidance, had fallen into such turmoil so soon after his death.

===The Umayyads===
Like their predecessors, the [[Umayyad]]<nowiki/>s too were members of the Quraysh tribe. Unlike their predecessors, all four of whom came, after much controversy, to be set apart from subsequent rulers and to be revered by Sunni Muslims as the Rashidun, the “rightly guided” caliphs, the rise of the Umayyads marked the establishment of a caliphal dynasty. [[Mu'awiya|Mu’awiya]] (r. 661–680), the founder of this dynasty, based his rule on careful cultivation and manipulation of ties with tribal notables (''ashraf''), and it was through such ties that he was able not just to govern but also to have his son, Yazid I (r. 680–683), recognized as his heir. This system of rule through tribal intermediaries was short-lived, however. On Mu’awiya’s death, several disparate revolts—often characterized as the second civil war—erupted in different parts of the empire. Among these was the revolt of [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain]], the son of ‘Ali and the grandson of the Prophet, who was killed in Iraq in 680 along with a small band of his followers. Though hardly momentous at the time it occurred, this event was to acquire profound importance in the history of [[Shiʿism|Shi’ite]] Islam as the symbolic focus of Shi’ite piety and religious identity. At the time, however, another threat to the Umayyads was represented by the revolt of [[Abdallah ibn al-Zubayr]] in the Hijaz, in Arabia, and by factional warfare between Arab tribes in Syria and Mesopotamia. In 684, with the civil war still in progress, [[Marwan ibn al-Hakam]] (r. 684–685) was elected caliph in Syria, marking the transfer of ruling authority from Mu’awiya’s descendants, the Sufyanid clan (of which ‘Uthman had been a member), to another clan of the Umayyad family. This clan, the Marwanids, was to rule as caliphs until the overthrow of the Umayyad dynasty in 750.

The Marwanids governed their empire through powerful generals appointed from the capital, Damascus, and through

increasingly elaborate administrative departments (''diwan''s). Late antique administrative structures and traditions continued under the Umayyads even as they underwent sometimes rapid changes that expressed the evolving Arab and Islamic identity of the new empire. Around the turn of the eighth century, the language of the administration was itself changed from ancient Persian and Greek to Arabic and a new system of coinage, clearly asserting the Islamic identity of the new rulers, was instituted. This identity was expressed even more strikingly in monumental architecture, of which the two most famous extant examples are the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, built during the reign of the caliph ‘Abd al-Malik (r. 685–705), and the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus, built under his successor al-Walid I (r. 705–715).

Though the Umayyads are often portrayed as worldly “kings” in Arabic historiography (an unfavorable image that

owes much to the fact that early Islamic historiography is largely the work of those who were unfavorably disposed toward this dynasty), it was under their rule that Islamic religious, cultural, and political institutions began to take their distinctive shape. The caliphs, though far removed from the austere lifestyle of the Rashidun, were hardly the ungodly rulers that medieval Arab chroniclers and many modern scholars have often represented them to be. As Crone and

Hinds have shown, their coins, their official pronouncements, and their panegyrists often characterized them as the “deputies of God,” a formulation frowned on by the religious scholars but one that suggests something of the scope and seriousness of Umayyad religious claims. The caliphs are known to have given decisions on matters involving Islamic law and ritual, and some of them are featured as authorities in early collections of hadith. Above all, the existence of a powerful centralized political authority provided the crucial context in which the early development of Islam and of Muslim communal and cultural identity took place.

Yet the growing community of Muslims also posed serious challenges to the Umayyads. Since the conquest of the Middle East, the economic well-being of the state was based on the principle that the non-Muslims paid the bulk of the taxes on the land, while the Muslims were responsible for only the religiously obligated taxes on their wealth. In theory, anyone who joined the ranks of the Muslims was entitled to the same concessions; in practice, a large influx of previously taxed non-Arabs threatened the revenues of the empire, with the result that the new Muslims (the ''mawali'' or “clients”) often continued to be taxed as if they had not converted to Islam. The Umayyads never satisfactorily resolved the problem of how to integrate the new non-Arab Muslims into the Muslim community, and they thereby created considerable resentment against their dynasty. This was compounded by the grievances of those Arabs who had given up their military careers and settled down in the conquered lands, but felt discriminated against or unfairly treated by the military generals and their (sometimes non-Muslim) tax-collecting agents. There was, moreover, increasingly destructive tribal factionalism within the Umayyad army that severely weakened the caliphate both through faction-based military revolts and the systematic persecution of members of a faction each time a rival came to power.

Shi’ite groups led a number of revolts against the Umayyads, as did the Kharijites, erstwhile followers of ‘Ali who had

separated from him when he agreed to negotiate with what the Kharijites regarded as Mu’awiya’s iniquitous party. The revolt that brought the Umayyad dynasty to an end in 750 also began as a Shi’ite movement that called, as had many others before it, for returning the rule back to the rightful descendants of the Prophet and for rule according to the “book of God and the sunna of His Prophet.” It was not, however, the descendants of ‘Ali but those of al-‘Abbas, an uncle of the Prophet, that came to power with what is often characterized by modern scholars as the “Abbasid revolution.”

===The Abbasids===
The new center of the empire was Iraq rather than Syria, and bureaucrats of Iranian origin were prominent in the [[Abbasid]] caliphate (750–1258) from its inception. The new empire was, like its predecessor, also an “Arab kingdom,” and indeed there were important continuities between the Umayyad and the early Abbasid caliphates. Yet, the latter was much more inclusive in terms of the ethnic origins of its soldiers and bureaucrats and much more successful in assimilating its non-Arab subjects into the Islamic empire. Its ideological emphases were also different from its predecessor’s. Unlike the Umayyads, the Abbasids emphasized from the outset their kinship with the Prophet as the justification for their claims to the caliphate. This was to remain a major basis of their legitimist claims, though it was scarcely the only one. The early Abbasid caliphs also tried to invoke, especially in their regnal titles, the messianic expectations rife at the time; they sought, as had the Umayyads in their own ways, to bolster their authority with appeals to pre-Islamic royal traditions and symbolism, and they presided over elaborate circles of patronage that involved a broad spectrum of the cultural and religious elite of the time. Baghdad, founded by al-Mansur (r. 754–775) as his new capital, had evocative imperial symbolism inscribed in its very design, but it soon also became the center of culture and learning, and of interaction not only between various Muslim groups and emerging schools and sects but also between Muslims and non-Muslims.

The first century of Abbasid rule was a time of extraordinary cultural and religious efflorescence, not just in Baghdad but also in the major provincial towns. It was during this time that the eponymous founders of the major schools of Sunni and Shi’ite law flourished. The systematic collection of the traditions of the Prophet, the [[hadith]], began to take place during this time; some of the first extant works of hadith date to this period, as does the earliest major biography of the Prophet, the ''Sira'' of Ibn Ishaq (d. 767). Under royal patronage, systematic efforts were made to translate ancient philosophical and scientific works into Arabic, and this was the age that saw formative developments in Islamic theology, notably the rise of the rationalist [[Mu’tazila]], as well as the beginnings of what later emerged as Sunni and Shi’ite Islam.

But this formative age was also a time of considerable political turmoil. A number of Shi’ite revolts, of which the most serious took place in Medina and Basra in 762, threatened Abbasid rule. The existence of the descendants of ‘Ali, the Shi’ite imams, and their followers in the midst of the community continued to challenge Abbasid legitimacy. Khurasan, where the Abbasid revolt had originated, saw many uprisings against the caliphal state in the early decades after the revolution. The empire was also shaken by a destructive civil war between two sons of Harun al-Rashid (r. 786–809), eventuating in the murder of the incumbent caliph, al-Amin (r. 809–813), and the succession of his brother and the governor of Khurasan, al-Ma’mun (r. 813–833). This murder, and the widespread uncertainty and disorder that accompanied and followed the civil war, considerably weakened the Abbasid state, necessitating extensive effort on the part of the caliph to reassert his authority. This effort took some unusual forms.

Unlike his Abbasid predecessors, al-Ma’mun made strong claims to religious authority, namely to an ability to lay down at least some of what his subjects must believe. Toward the end of his reign, he instituted the ''mihna,'' an inquisition to enforce conformity to the theological doctrine that the Qur’an ought to be regarded as the “created” word of God. Irrespective of the provenance of this idea or its theological merit, it allowed the caliph to assert his own authority as the arbiter of the community’s religious life. The inquisition was apparently intended not only to extend the scope of caliphal authority but also to humble many of those scholars of hadith and law whose growing influence in society the caliph resented and who consequently were among the principle victims of the ''mihna.'' But al-Ma’mun died shortly after the inquisition began, and though it continued in effect under two of his immediate successors, it did more, in the long run, to define the “uncreatedness” of the Qur’an as a Sunni creed and to solidify the ranks of the early Sunni scholars than it did to enhance the caliph’s religious authority. Later caliphs were usually happier to align themselves with the Sunni religious scholars in asserting their own roles in the community’s religious life than they were in confronting or challenging them.

Toward the end of the first century of Abbasid rule, the caliph was still in control of large parts of his realm, but his empire was not as extensive as it had been at the beginning of the dynasty, and it was rapidly shrinking. Some of the provinces were already becoming independent in all but name, and at the heart of the empire, the caliph had to cope with the increasing power of a new military force, Turkish “slave soldiers” drawn from the lands of the Central Asian steppe, a force that in later decades contributed substantially to the political and economic weakness of the Abbasid state. This pattern of a shrinking state and the caliph’s increasing dependence on military generals was to continue for much of subsequent Abbasid history. From the middle of the tenth century, the caliphs came under the sway of ruling families that controlled the Abbasid realm, and often the person of the caliph himself, in all but name. The [[BUYIDS|Buyids]], a family of Shi’ite military adventurers from Iran, ruled what was left of the Abbasid caliphate from the middle of the tenth to the middle of the eleventh century. They were replaced by the faithful Sunni Turkish Seljuks, who then oversaw the Abbasid caliphs until toward the end of the twelfth century. Even as the caliphate declined in effective political power, and for all the humiliations that individual caliphs were meted out at the hands of the warlords, the symbolic significance of the caliphal institution grew during these centuries. The Shi’ite Buyids not only maintained the caliphate but sought also to legitimize their own rule by seeking formal recognition from the caliphs. The Seljuk sultans and their wazirs (ministers) were often far more powerful than the caliph or his officials, but they too continued to be formally subservient to the caliph.

Not all caliphs during this period were equally helpless, however. At times of political transition, when the warlords were weak, and depending on the personal abilities an initiative of individual caliphs, the latter could exercise a prominent role in the political and religious life of the realm. Notable among such caliphs were al-Qadir (r. 991–1031) and al-Qa’im (r. 1031–1075) in the Buyid period, and al-Nasir (r.1180–1225), who reigned at a time when the Seljuk power had waned and who utilized his ties with Sufi and chivalric (''futuwwa'') groups, which he reorganized with himself at their head, to reassert his authority during a remarkably ambitious reign. But such revivals were sporadic and they did not do very much to seriously stem the effects of the long decline the caliphate had already undergone. In the middle of the thirteenth century, the caliphate of Baghdad was terminated altogether at the hands of the Mongols, whose ravages included the destruction of large parts of the eastern Islamic world. The caliphate was revived—and the Mongol tide finally stemmed—by the Mamluks of Syria and Egypt, but the Abbasid caliphs of the Mamluk era never had the prestige or the symbolic capital possessed by many of their predecessors in Baghdad. The Mamluk era and, with it, the shadow Abbasid caliphate ended with the Ottoman conquest of Egypt in 1517.

==Bibliography==

#Abou El Fadl, Khaled. Rebellion and Violence in Islamic Law. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2001.
#Azmeh, Aziz al-. Muslim Kingship: Power and the Sacred in Muslim, Christian, and Pagan Polities. London: I. B. Tauris, 1997.
#Crone, Patricia. “Ninth-century Muslim Anarchists.” Past and Present 167 (2000): 3–28.
#Crone, Patricia. Slaves on Horses. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1980.
#Crone, Patricia, and Hinds, Martin. God’s Caliph: Religious Authority in the First Centuries of Islam. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1986.
#Gibb, H. A. R. “Al-Mawardi’s Theory of the Caliphate.” In his Studies on the Civilization of Islam. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1962.
#Gibb, H. A. R. “Some Considerations on the Sunni Theory of the Caliphate.” In his Studies on the Civilization of Islam. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1962.
#Hawting, G. R. The First Dynasty of Islam. 2d ed. London: Routledge, 2000.
#Hibri, Tayeb El-. Reinterpreting Islamic Historiography: Harun al-Rashid and the Narrative of the _Abbasid Caliphate. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1999.
#Hodgson, Marshall G. S. The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974.
#Kennedy, Hugh. The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates. London: Longman, 1986.
#Lambton, A. K. S. State and Government in Medieval Islam. Oxford, U.K.: Oxford University Press, 1981.
#Madelung, Wilferd. The Succession to Muhammad: A Study of the Early Caliphate. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1997.
#Mawardi, Al-. The Ordinances of Government. Translated by W. H. Wahba. Reading, U.K.: Garnet Publishing, 1996.
#Qadi, Wadad al-. “The Term ‘Khalifa’ in Early Exegetical Literature.” Die Welt des Islams 28 (1988): 392–411.
#Safran, Janina M. The Second Umayyad Caliphate: The Articulation of Caliphal Legitimacy in al-Andalus. Cambridge, Mass.: Center for Middle Eastern Studies, Harvard University, 2000.
#Sanders, Paula. Ritual, Politics, and the City in Fatimid Cairo. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994.
#Tabari, Al-. The History of Al-Tabari. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985–1999.
#Tyan, Emile. Institutions du droit public musulman, Vol. 1: Le califat. Paris: R. Sirey, 1954.
#Zaman, Muhammad Qasim. Religion and Politics under the Early _Abbasids. Leiden: Brill, 1997.

==Source==

*Muhammad Qasim Zaman (2004). Encyclopedia ''of Islam and Muslim World''. Edited by Richard C. Martin. USA: Macmillan; P: 691. <nowiki>ISBN 0-02-865912-0</nowiki>

[[Category:History]]
[[Category:Islamic Terminologies]]
[[Category:Concepts and Beliefs]]

Ali ibn Abi Talib

2021-05-23T12:21:01Z

Heydari:

{{infobox person
| name = Ali ibn Abi Talib
| native_name = عَلِی ابْن أَبِی طَالِب
| image = Ali b. Abi Talib.jpg
| known_for = The first Imam of Shi'a
| birth_date = 13 Rajab 21 BH (15 September 601)
| birth_place = Mecca, Hijaz, Arabia (present-day Saudi Arabia)
| father = Abu Talib ibn 'Abd al-Muttalib
| mother = Fatimah bint Asad
| relatives = Muhammad b. Abd Allah (paternal cousin)
| spouse = Fatimah, Umamah bint Zainab, Umm ul-Banin, Leila bint Masoud, Asma bint Umays, Khawlah bint Ja'far, Al Sahba' bint Rabi'ah
| children = Al-Hasan, Al-Hussain, Zaynab, Umm Kulthum, Muhsin, Muhammad al-awsat (Hilal), Abbas, Ruqayya, Abdullah
| death_date = 21 Ramadan AH 40- aged 59 (29 January 661)
| death_place = Kufa, Mesopotamia, Rashidun Caliphate (present-day Iraq)
| resting_place = Imam Ali Mosque, Najaf, Iraq
}}

'''Ali ibn Abi Talib''' (c.597–660), was the cousin and son-in-law of the prophet [[Muhammad]], the fourth caliph of the Sunni Muslims, and the first imam of all the Shi’is. Ali was ten or eleven years old when he embraced Islam and is considered to be the first Muslim after Khadija, Muhammad’s wife. He grew up in Muhammad’s household, and during the night of Muhammad’s emigration (the Hijrah) from Mecca to Medina in 622, he occupied the Prophet’s bed, facilitating the latter's escape. He then joined the Prophet after restoring to their owners the objects that Muhammad was holding in trust. Some months later he married Muhammad’s daughter [[Fatima]]; of their marriage were born two sons, [[Hasan]] and [[Hussain ibn Ali|Hussain]], and two daughters, [[Zaynab]] and Umm Kulthum, the latter two known for their roles in the Battle of [[Karbala]]. During the Prophet's lifetime, Ali participated in almost all the expeditions, except that of Tabuk, during which he had the command at Medina. Ali's bravery as the standard-bearer and sometimes as the commander in these expeditions has become legendary.

After Muhammad’s death in 632, a dispute arose between Ali and other associates of the Prophet on the question of [[succession]]. It was this dispute that divided the Muslims into two major factions: the Shi’a (partisans of Ali), those sympathetic to Ali's claim that he was appointed by the Prophet as his successor during his farewell pilgrimage; and the Sunni, those who denied Ali's claim and acknowledged the caliphate of Abu Bakr, Omar, and Othman in succession and placed Ali as the fourth caliph, following Othman's assassination in 656.

The period of Ali's rule was marked with political crisis and civil strife. Ali had inherited events which he could not avoid as a caliph, and under the pressure of circumstances he had to submit to these events and the constraints of his partisans. In the month of Ramadan in 660, a member of the [https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780195390155/obo-9780195390155-0047.xml Khawarij] (a sect that had seceded from Ali in the battle against the Umayyad governor of Syria, Muʿawiya, in 656) struck Ali a fatal blow with a sword while he was in prostration in the mosque of Kufa. Ali was buried in Najaf. His mausoleum was built there, and Najaf has become an important site for the Shi’i pilgrimage and a center for [[Twelver]] Shi’i learning.
==Biography==
Ali’s life falls into three distinct phases: 1. from his birth until the death of the Prophet in 11/632; 2. until the murder of Othman in 35/656; 3. from his election to the caliphate to his death.
==During the Life of the Prophet==
When Muhammad was called by God to be a prophet, Ali, though only ten years old, became one of his first followers.<ref>in al-Sirat al-nabawiya I, ed. M. Saqqa, Cairo, 1936, pp. 262-64, Ebn Hesham states that Ali was the first male to accept Islam; see also Tabari, Cairo2, II, pp. 309ff.; Ebn Saʿd, III/I, pp. 12ff.</ref> The night Muhammad fled from Mecca to Medina, Ali risked his life by sleeping in his bed; he also carried out the Prophet’s request to restore all the properties that had been entrusted to him as a merchant to their owners in Mecca. Only then did Ali leave for Medina; there he married Muhammad’s daughter [[Fatima]].

Ali’s courage during the military expeditions became legendary. Along with Hamza, Abu Dojana, and Zobayr, he was renowned for his charges against the enemy; at Badr he is said to have killed more than one third of the enemy army single-handedly. He stood firm and stoutly defended the Prophet at Ohod and Honayn, while the Muslim victory at Khaybar, where he used a heavy iron door as a shield, is attributed to his valor.<ref>Ebn Hesham, al-Sira II, pp. 298, 365ff., III, pp. 77f., 306, 349-50; Waqedi, Ketab al-maghazi, ed. M. Jones, London, 1966, I, pp. 68-69, 76, 145-52, 225-26, 228, 240, 244, 255-56, 259, 307-09, II, pp. 470-71, 496, 653-57, III, pp. 900-02</ref> He was one of Muhammad’s scribes and was chosen to lead several important missions. After the Hijra when the Prophet instituted brotherhood between the emigrants (Mohajerun) and the helpers (Ansar), he chose Ali as his own brother. The treaty of Hodaybia was written down by Ali. In 9/631 when Abu Bakr led the pilgrimage, Ali was delegated by the Prophet to proclaim the surat al-baraʾa (Quran 9) to the pilgrims assembled at Mena. He was chosen to destroy the idols worshiped by the Aws, Khazraj, and Tayy, and those in the Kaʿba.

According to the Shiʿites, the Prophet unequivocally nominated Ali as his successor at Ghadir Khomm while returning from his “farewell pilgrimage” to Mecca.<ref>the earliest historian to report the Ghadir tradition seems to be Yaʿqubi, II, Najaf, 1964, p. 102; see also Masʿudi, Ethbat al-wasiya le-Ali, Najaf, 1955; Kolayni, al-Kafi I, Tehran, 1388/ 1968, pp. 292ff.; Qazi Noʿman, Daʿaʾem al-Eslam I, ed. Fyzee, Cairo, 1963, pp. 14ff.; Shaikh Mofid, al-Ershad, Najaf, 1962, pp. 91ff.; in al-Ghadir fi’l-ketab wa’l-sonna wa’l-adab, Tehran, 1372/1952-53, Abd-al-Hussain Amini has listed all the available sources and references to Ghadir</ref> The Sunnis reject this claim, maintaining that the Prophet died without naming a successor. All the early sources present the Medinan Muslim community behaving as if they had not learned about Ali’s alleged designation.
==After the death of the Prophet==
At the Prophet’s death the community split into groups contending for political succession. The Ansar were about to proclaim Saʿd b. Obada caliph, but this was not acceptable to the Mohajerun, who considered themselves closer to the Prophet in kinship. Among them was a group led by Ali and his supporters, i.e., Zobayr, Talha, Abbas b. Abd-al-Mottaleb, Meqdad, Salman Faresi, Abu Dharr Ghefari, and Ammar b. Yaser, who viewed Ali as the Prophet’s legitimate heir. Muslim historians agree that a crisis was averted by three prominent Mohajerun: Abu Bakr, Omar, and Abu Obayda, who rushed to the gathering of the Ansar and imposed Abu Bakr as caliph. Their success was facilitated by the jealousy between the Aws and the Khazraj, the two main tribal factions of the Ansar, and the inactivity of the Prophet’s kinsmen in promoting their own cause.<ref>M. Shaban, Islamic History A.D. 600-750: A New Interpretation, Cambridge, 1971, pp. 16ff.; E. Shoufani, Al-Ridda and the Muslim Conquests of Arabia, Toronto, 1973, pp. 48ff.</ref> When Abu Bakr’s selection to the caliphate was presented as a fait accompli, Ali and the Hashimites withheld their oaths of allegiance until after the death of Fatima. Ali did not actively assert his own right because he did not want to throw the nascent Muslim community into strife.<ref>Menqari, Waqʿa Siffin, ed. ʿA. Harun, Cairo, 1382/1962, p. 91</ref> He retired to a life in which religious works became his chief occupation; the first chronologically arranged version of the Quran is attributed to him, and his knowledge of the Quran and the Sunna aided the caliphs in various legal problems.<ref>Balaḏori, Ansab I, ed. M. Hamidallah, Cairo, 1959, pp. 586-87; Yaʿqubi, II, pp. 125-26; Ebn Saʿd, II/2, pp. 100-02; Shaikh Mofid, al-Ershad, pp. 107ff.</ref> He did not participate in the wars of Redda and conquest; his actions after becoming caliph seem to indicate that he did not approve of the policies of his predecessors. In contrast to Omar he recommended that the entire revenue of the divan be distributed without keeping anything in reserve.<ref>Balaḏori, Fotuh III, ed. S. Monajjed, Cairo, 1956, p. 549. Disagreement with policies of Abu Bakr and Omar can be inferred from an evasive answer he gave to Abd-al-Rahman b. Awf at the shura when he was asked whether he would follow the Quran, the Sunna of the Prophet, and the sirat al-shaykhayn or the policies of Abu Bakr and Omar; Tabari, IV, p. 233; Balaḏori, Ansab V, p. 22</ref>
==During Othman’s Caliphate==
In the period preceding Ali’s caliphate Othman was faced with problems arising from conflicts of interest between the traditional tribal and the new Islamic leadership.<ref>H. A. R. Gibb, “An Interpretation of Islamic History,” Studies on the Civilization of Islam, ed. Shaw and Polk, London, 1962, p. 7</ref> The so-called Qorraʾ, the original conquerors from minor clans, resented Othman’s tightening of central control and felt that their interests were threatened by the growing influence of the traditional tribal leaders, who were newcomers to the provinces. This was the common cause of opposition in all provinces except Syria, which was kept free from uncontrolled immigration and was held in firm control by [[Muʿawiya]], governor since 20/641. In mid-35/656 discontented provincial groups from Egypt, [[Kufa]] (led by Malek Ashtar), and Basra arrived in Medina.<ref>S. M. Yusof, “The Revolt against Othman,” IC 27, 1953, pp. 1-7; Shaban, Islamic History, pp. 60ff.; M. Hinds, “The Murder of the Caliph Othman,” IJMES 3, 1972, pp. 450-69</ref>

In Medina itself opposition came from three main groups. First, a number of prominent Mohajerun accused Othman of nepotism and deviation from Islamic principles, e.g., the alteration of the number of rakʿas to be prayed at Mena and Arafat.<ref>Tabari, IV, p. 267</ref> Shortly before his death, Abd-al-Rahman b. Awf is said to have declared that Othman had departed from his promise to adhere to the Quran, the Sunna, and the sirat al-Shaykhayn, and he requested that he should not be allowed to pray at his funeral.<ref>Baladhori, Ansab V, p. 57; Ebn Aʿtham, al-Fotuh II, Hyderabad, 1968-75, p. 151</ref> ʿAbdallah b. Masʿud, who seems to have been dismissed from the Kufan treasury, ejected from the mosque, and beaten for criticizing Othman, is reported to have made the same request.<ref>Baladhori, Ansab V, pp. 36-37</ref> Abu Dharr Ghefari, who was critical of Othman and Muʿawiya, was exiled from Medina.<ref>ibid., pp. 52-56; Masʿudi, Morūǰ II, ed. M. Mohyi-al-dīn, Cairo, 1964, pp. 348-51</ref> Ammar b. Yaser was beaten for his criticism of Othman.<ref>Baladhori, Ansāb V, pp. 48, 83; Ebn Aʿtham, al-Fotuh II, pp. 154-55</ref> The second group of Medinan opponents formed around Talha and became clearly distinguishable from the first only at the battle of the Camel. It included Zobayr and Aʾesha, who were opposed to Omayyad domination but favored the Qoraysh. Both Talha and Zobayr had enormous income from their estates, mainly in Iraq, and their opposition stemmed from the strengthening of Omayyad power.<ref>Ebn Saʿd, III/1, pp. 77, 157</ref> Talha became vocal in his criticism of Othman, used his influence on the people of Basra to encourage their opposition, and was active against Othman at the time of the siege.<ref>Baladhori, Ansab V, p. 81; Ebn Aʿtham, al-Fotuh II, p. 229; Tabari, IV, pp. 379, 405</ref> Aʾesha, who had also played her part in fomenting opposition, left for Mecca when Othman was besieged, hoping that he would be killed and that Talha would become caliph.<ref>Baladhori, Ansab V, p. 91; Tabari, IV, p. 407</ref> The Ansar, who had lost their influence under Othman, formed the third group. The appointment of Hareth b. Hakam as market overseer in Medina added insult to injury; they felt impotent in their own town.<ref>Baladhori, op. cit., V, p. 47</ref>

In the meantime, Ali had acted as a restraining influence on Othman without directly opposing him. Making this point, Ebn Aʿtham states that Ali knew that Othman would not dare to act against him.<ref>al-Fotuh II, pp. 158, 164, 168, 184</ref> On several occasions Ali disagreed with Othman in the application of the hodud; he had publicly shown sympathy for Abu Dharr and had spoken strongly in the defense of Ammar b. Yaser. He conveyed to Othman the criticisms of other Companions and acted on Othman’s behalf as negotiator with the provincial opposition who had come to Medina; because of this some mistrust between Ali and Othman’s family seems to have arisen. He tried to mitigate the severity of the siege by his insistence that Othman should be allowed water.
==Caliphate==
Following Othman’s murder most of the Umayyads fled Medina, thus leaving the provincial opposition in control of the situation. The strongest groups were the Egyptians, the Ansar, and the prominent Mohajerun. They invited Ali to accept the caliphate; reluctant, he agreed only after long hesitation, probably several days after Othman’s death. The sources suggest that before the murder of Othman, the Basran opposition group at Medina considered Talha as its champion, while the Kufans supported Zobayr; later both groups supported Ali.<ref>Tabari, IV, pp. 427ff.</ref> Thus, the situation in Hejaz and the provinces on the eve of Ali’s election was far from settled. His brief reign was beset by difficulties attributable to the state of affairs that he inherited. Moghira b. Shoʿba advised Ali against immediately removing all governors appointed by Othman, especially [[Muʿawiya]]; Abdallah b. Abbas also counseled him to proceed slowly, but responding to the demands of his supporters, he replaced Othman’s governors with his own, thereby setting off a series of reactions which culminated in the battles of the Camel and Siffin.<ref>Tabari, IV, pp. 438ff.; Masʿudi, Moruj II, pp. 363-65</ref>
===The Battle of the Camel===
Returning to Medina, Aʾesha learned that Othman had been murdered and that Ali was caliph. She turned back to Mecca and actively participated in a campaign against him; her grudge against Ali stemmed from the incident of the slander against her (cf. Quran 24:10-20), when Ali had advised the Prophet to divorce her.<ref>Ebn Hesham, al-Sirat al-nabawiya III, pp. 313-14; Waqedi, Ketab al-maghazi II, p. 430; Ebn Saʿd, II/2, p. 29</ref> Meanwhile, the Umayyads who had fled from Medina gathered in Mecca; they were joined by the deposed governors of Basra and Yemen, who had brought with them money appropriated from the public treasury. Talha and Zobayr, already frustrated in their political ambitions, were further disappointed by Ali in their efforts to secure for themselves the governorships of Basra and Kufa. When they learned that their supporters had gathered in Mecca, they asked Ali’s permission to leave Medina on the pretext of making the omra (lesser pilgrimage). They then broke with Ali, placing the responsibility for Othman’s murder on him and demanding that he brings the murderers to trial; they were joined by the Umayyads, whose objectives, however, were different. Unable to muster much support in Hejaz, Talha and Zobayr decided to move to Basra with the expectation of finding the necessary forces and resources to mobilize Iraqi support. When Ali discovered this, he set out in pursuit but did not succeed in overtaking them. The rebels occupied Basra, killing many people. Ali raised support in Kufa and followed the conspirators to Iraq. After negotiations for a peaceful settlement failed, the rebels were defeated in the Battle of the Camel, so named because of Aʾesha’s presence at the center of the battle mounted on a camel.<ref>Ghalabi, Waqʿat al-jamal, ed. M. al Yasin, Baghdad, 1970</ref>

Ali entered Basra and divided the money found in the bayt al-mal (public treasury) equally among his supporters. This act may be taken as an indication of his policy to give equal value to the Muslims who served Islam in its early days and to the later Muslims who played a role in the conquests. He appointed Abdallah b. Abbas governor of Basra, and went to Kufa in order to gain support against Muʿawiya. He succeeded in forming a broad coalition which brought two more groups into his camp, the qorraʾ, who saw in him their last hope of regaining influence, and the traditional tribal leadership, attracted by his equal division of the booty. The successful formation of such a diverse coalition—comprised of men like Ammar b. Yaser (Mohajer), Qays b. Saʿd b. Obada (Ansari), Malek Ashtar (qorraʾ group), and Ashʿathb. Qays Kendi (a former redda leader who had emerged as a tribal leader in Kufa)—seems to be due to Ali’s remarkable character.
===The Battle of Siffin===
Ali opened negotiations with Muʿawiya with the hope of regaining his allegiance. Muʿawiya insisted on Syrian autonomy under his own leadership, but Ali maintained that all the provinces should share equally in problems facing the Muslim community. Muʿawiya replied by mobilizing his Syrian supporters and refusing to pay homage to Ali on the pretext that his contingent had not participated in his election. Furthermore, as Othman’s wali (near relative), he demanded the surrender of Othman’s murderers. Ali rejected Muʿawiya’s demands, asserting that he was duly elected by the people, who had the right to exercise their judgment, and that Othman had been killed because people were outraged at his arbitrary actions; hence they were not liable for punishment.<ref>Menqari, Waqʿat Siffin, pp. 29-32, 81-82, 86-91, 200-01</ref>

Toward the end of 36/657 the two armies met on the plain of Siffin. The confrontation lasted three months, most of the time being spent in negotiations. Finally, a week of combat was followed by a violent battle known as laylat al-harir (the night of clamor); the Syrians were on the point of being routed when Amr b. ʿAs advised Muʿawiya to have his soldiers hoist masahef (either parchments inscribed with verses of the Quran, or complete copies of it) on their spearheads in order to cause disagreement and confusion in Ali’s army. Aware of the divisions within the ranks of Ali’s camp, Muʿawiya exploited the situation. As the main purpose of raising the masahef was to bring about the cessation of hostilities, it is worth noting that the call for peace was addressed not to Ali but to the ahl al-ʿEraq (people of Iraq) who formed the bulk of Ali’s army, thereby isolating Ali from his followers by appealing to their regional interests. Ali saw through the stratagem, but only a minority was in favor of continued fighting; the most powerful tribal leader of [[Kufa]], Ashʿath b. Qays Kendi, insisted on accepting Muʿawiya’s call, reportedly telling Ali that not a single man from his camp would fight for him if he did not accept the proposal for settlement.<ref>Menqari, Waqʿat Siffin, p. 482; Yaʿqubi, Moruj II, p. 178</ref> This refusal of the largest bloc in his army to fight was the decisive factor in Ali’s acceptance of the arbitration. With the majority of the qorraʾ also favoring a settlement, Ali stopped the fighting and sent Ashʿath b. Qays to ascertain Muʿawiya’s intentions. Muʿawiya suggested that each side should choose an arbiter, who together would reach a decision based on the Quran; this decision would then be binding on both parties.

At this time Muʿawiya seems to have made no specific reference to his earlier insistence on vengeance for Othman’s blood or return to shura. Most of the people in Ali’s camp, now satisfied, turned to the designation of the Hakam (arbiter) who would meet Amr b. ʿAs, the Syrian representative. The question as to whether the arbiter would represent Ali or the Iraqis (mainly the Kufans) caused a further split in Ali’s army. Ashʿath b. Qays and the qorraʾ rejected Ali’s own nominees, Abdallah b. Abbas and Malek Ashtar, and insisted on Abu Musa Ashʿari, who was opposed by Ali, since he had earlier prevented people from supporting him. Abu Musa was favored by the qorraʾ because he had stood for provincial autonomy, while Ashʿath b. Qays hoped to prolong the deadlock between Ali and Muʿawiya in order to check Ali’s power and regain his own former influence. Ali finally accepted Abu Musa.

The drafting of the agreement proceeded only after Ali had agreed to be referred to by name and not as amir al-moʾmenin; Muʿawiya objected that if Ali were indeed caliph, he would not have fought him. The main terms of the agreement were: 1. The Quran was to decide between the two sides; 2. the task of the arbiters was to reach a binding agreement; 3. the arbiters would be guided by the Quran, but failing to find guidance they would resort to al-sonnat al-adelat al-jameʿa ghayr al-mofarreqa.<ref>see M. Hinds, “The Siffin arbitration agreement,” Journal of Semitic Studies 17, 1972, pp. 93-129</ref> With the drafting of this agreement, Ali’s coalition began to collapse. The question of having recourse to the Sunna seems to be the main cause of the reaction of the qorraʾ. They had agreed to the arbitration because it was a call for peace and application of the Quran; the terms of the agreement had not yet been settled and there was no indication that Ali would not be regarded as amir al-moʾmenin. More serious was that extending the authority of the arbiters beyond the Quran to the vague Sunna compromised the authority of the Quran; it was thus tantamount to tahkim al-rejal fi’l-din (or fi ketab Allah). Thus, they raised the cry la hokm ella lellah (the jurisdiction rests with Allah alone). By this time the Syrians claimed that the document was an agreement that the Quran should be consulted as to whether Othman had been killed justly or unjustly, though the qorraʾ had no doubts that he had been killed justly. The raising of the question of Othman’s murder by Muʿawiya at this critical stage should be viewed in conjunction with his earlier evasiveness on the issue. The whole affair looks like a skillfully organized attempt to destroy Ali’s coalition. The qorraʾ told Ali that if he did not repent of his acceptance of the arbitration, as they had done, they would declare themselves dissociated (baraʾa) from him. On the army’s return to Kufa some of the qorraʾ stopped at Haruraʾ, but Ali succeeded in reconciling them, probably by making concessions. Only after returning to Kufa did Ali make it clear that he would not infringe on the arbitration. At this time those who had protested against the arbitration seceded from Ali’s camp (hence known as khawarej) and gathered at Nahrawan.

The first meeting of the arbiters appears to have taken place at Dumat al-Jandal around Ramadan, 37/February, 658, as stipulated in the agreement. The conclusion was reached that the acts of which Othman was accused were not arbitrary (ahdath), thus implying that he had been killed unjustly and that Muʿawiya had a right to claim vengeance. The verdict was not made public, but both parties came to know about it.<ref>L. Veccia Vaglieri, “Il conflitto Ali-Muʿawiya e la secessione khāregita riesaminati alla luce di fonti ibadite,” AIUON, 1952, pp. 1-94; idem, “Ali b. Abī Ṭālib,” EI2 I, p. 384</ref> Ali protested, stating that it was contrary to the Quran and the Sunna and hence not binding. Then he tried to organize a new army, but only the Ansar, the remnants of the qorraʾ led by Malek Ashtar, and a few of their clansmen remained loyal. He left Kufa with his new army to engage Muʿawiya, but first turned to Nahrawan to deal with the dissidents. He tried to enlist their support by declaring that he would fight Muʿawiya, but they persisted in their demand that he first confesses his sin in accepting the arbitration; after promising quarter to those who would submit, Ali attacked.

It seems that the arbiters and other eminent persons, with the exclusion of Ali’s representatives, met at Adhruh in Shaʿban, 38/January, 659 to discuss the selection of the new caliph. Amr b. ʿAs supported Muʿawiya, while Abu Musa preferred his son-in-law, Abdallah b. Omar, but the latter refused to stand for election in default of unanimity.<ref>Masʿudi, Moruj II, p. 408</ref> Abu Musa then proposed, and Amr b. ʿAs agreed, to depose both Ali and Muʿawiya and submit the selection of the new caliph to a shura. In the public declaration that followed Abu Musa observed his part of the agreement, but Amr b. ʿAs declared Ali deposed and confirmed Muʿawiya as caliph. Meanwhile, Muʿawiya had followed an aggressive course by making incursions into the heart of Iraq and Arabia. By the end of 39/660 Ali, who was regarded as caliph only by a diminishing number of partisans, lost control of Egypt and Hejaz.
==Martyrdom==
Early one morning while praying in a mosque at Kufa, he was struck with a poisoned sword by a Kharijite, Abd-al-Rahman b. Moljam, intent on avenging the men slain at Nahrawan. Two days later, on 19 (or 21) Ramadan 40/27 January 661, Ali died at the age of sixty-three and was buried near Kufa. The burial was kept secret, but in the time of Harun al-Rashid his tomb was identified a few miles from Kufa and a sanctuary was established around which a town called Najaf grew up. Of his fourteen sons and nineteen daughters by nine wives and several concubines, Hasan, Hussain, and Muhammad b. Hanafīya are well known. Ali’s political discourses, sermons, letters, and sayings were collected by Sharif Razi in a book entitled Nahj al-balagha (“The road of eloquence”), well known in Arabic literature; the most famous of its commentators is Ebn Abi’l-Hadid <ref>Sharḥ Nahj al-balagha, ed. M. Abu’l-Fazl, Cairo, 1965</ref>; a divan is also attributed to Ali.
==Legacy for Shi’ism==
The Shiʿites maintain that the Prophet designated Ali as his successor by God’s command; on reaching Ghadir Khomm from the “farewell pilgrimage,” the Prophet announced a congregational prayer. As the people gathered, he took Ali by the arm and made him stand next to him, and said: “O people, know that what Aaron was to Moses, Ali is to me, except that there shall be no prophet after me, and he is my wali to you after me. Therefore, he whose master (mawla) I am, Ali is his master.” Then he lifted Ali’s arm and said: “O God, be affectionate to him who is devoted to ʿAli, show enmity to him who is his enemy, give victory to him who helps Ali and forsake him who forsakes Ali. May the truth encompass Ali to the end of his life”.<ref>Kolayni, al-Kafi I, pp. 286ff.; Qazi Noʿman, Daʿaʾem al-Eslam I, pp. 14ff; see also Tabrizi, Meshkat al-masabih III, ed. M. Albani, Damascus, 1961-62, pp. 242-47</ref> This tradition, which is accepted by the Sunnis but interpreted differently by them, epitomizes the Shiʿite veneration of Ali and their doctrine of the [[imamate]].

The imamate of Ali is a cardinal principle of Shiʿite faith. Through [[Wilayah|walaya]] (devotion to Ali and the [[Imam]]s) true knowledge of Islam can be obtained. The first three caliphs had usurped Ali’s right and the majority of the early community deviated from the rightful Imam. According to a saying attributed to Ali himself, those who fought against him in the battle of the Camel were “breakers of allegiance” (naketun), those who opposed him in the battle of Siffin were “wrongdoers” (qaseṭun), and those who fought against him in the battle of Nahrawan (the Khawarej) were “deviators” (marequn). Only the Batriya among the early Zaydis upheld the imamate of Abu Bakr, Omar, and Othman, on the grounds that Ali did not oppose them. Considering him the most excellent man (fazel) after the Prophet, they permitted the imamate of the less excellent (mafzul). But from the 3rd/9th century onward the views of the Jarudiya, who rejected the imamate of the first three caliphs, prevailed among the Zaydis.

Ali, the wasi (executor) of the Prophet, was specially instructed and authorized by him on God’s command to assist him in his task. The Prophet brought the revelation (tanzil) and laid down the shariʿa, while Ali, the repository of the Prophet’s knowledge, provided its interpretation (taʾwil). During the Prophet’s lifetime Ali’s position was next to his and after him he succeeded him as the next most excellent man. He was divinely guided, infallible (maʿsum), purified from all defilement, and could not commit any sin, minor or major. He is the disposer of heaven and hell and the dispenser of drink (saqi) at the celestial pool of Kawthar. He will intercede with God on the Day of Judgment on behalf of his followers; he is the Guide for mankind, the Proof (hojja) of God’s existence to His creatures, and the Gate of His mercy. Salvation is reserved solely for those who declare their belief and devotion to him.<ref>Qazi Noʿman, Sharḥ al-akhbar MS; Ebn Babuya, Resalat al-eʿteqadat, tr. Fyzee, London, 1942; Helli, Sharh al-bab al-Hadi ʿashar, tr. Miller, London, 1958; Majlesi, Behar al-anwar, Tehran, 1376/1956, VII, pp. 326-40, VIII, pp. 16-63, XV, pp. 1ff., XXVII, pp. 1ff., XXXV-XLII, passim</ref>
==References==
{{reflist|30em}}
==Bibliography==

*Hussain, Ṭāhā. al-Fitnah al-kubrā (The Great Trial). Vol. 1, Othman. Vol. 2, Ali wa-banūn (Ali and His Sons). Cairo, 1947–1956.
*Lakhani, M. Ali, ed. The Sacred Foundations of Justice in Islam: The Teachings of Ali ibn Abi Talib. Bloomington, Ind., and North Vancouver, B.C., 2006.
*Moojan, Momen. An Introduction to Shiʿi Islam: The History and Doctrines of Twelver Shiʿism. New Haven, Conn., 1987.
*Shah-Kazemi, Reza. Justice and Remembrance: Introducing the Spirituality of Imam Ali. London, 2007.
*Vaglieri, Laura Veccia. “Ali b. Abī Ṭālib.” In Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2d ed., vol. 1, pp. 381–386. Leiden, 1960–. Valuable revisionist outline of Ali's biography.
*Ebn ʿAbd Rabbeh, al-ʿEqd al-farīd, ed. A. Amīn, Cairo, 1948-53, IV, pp. 310-61, V, pp. 90-102.
*Jaʿfar b. Manṣūr Yaman, al-Šawāhed wa’l-bayān MS. Edrīs ʿEmād-al-dīn, Oyūn al-aḵbār II-III MS. Bharūčī, Ketāb al-azhār VI MS. Amīn, Aʿyān al-šīʿa, Beirut, 1960, III, pt. 1 and 2.
*L. Caetani, Annali. E. Petersen, Ali and Muʿāwīya in Early Arabic Tradition, Copenhagen, 1964.
*The following recent biographies are worth noting: Ṭ. Hussain, al-Fetnat al-kobrā, Cairo, 1954.
*J. Jordāq, al-Emām Ali: Ṣawt al-ʿadālat al-ensānīya, Beirut, 1958.
*ʿA. ʿAqqād, ʿAbqarīyat al-emām Ali, Cairo, 1961.
*M. Ḵalīlī, Zendagānī-e hażrat-e Ali, Tehran, 1342 Š./1963.
*Abd-al-Fattāḥ, al-Emām Ali, Cairo, n.d.
*ʿA. Ḵaṭīb, Ali b. Abī Taleb: Baqīyat al-nobūwa wa ḵātem al-ḵelāfa, Cairo, 1966.
*Ḵ. M. Ḵāled, Fī reḥāb Ali, Cairo, 1980.
*A. Oways and M. Āšūr, Rābeʿ al-rāšedīn Ali, Cairo, 1981.
*M. Ḡorayb, Ḵelāfat Ali, Cairo, 1982.

==Source==

*[http://www.oxfordislamicstudies.com/article/opr/t236/e0049 Oxford Islamic Studies Online]
*[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/ali-b-abi-taleb ENCYCLOPÆDIA IRANICA]

[[Category:Individuals]]
[[Category:Twelver Shi’ism]]
[[Category:The Fourteen Infallibles]]
[[Category:Ahl-e Kisa]]
[[Category:Historical Characters]]
[[Category:Imams]]
[[Category:Ahl al-Bayt]]